ammcan 


EDITED   BY 


JOHN  T.  MORSE,  JR. 


American 


LEWIS  CASS 


ANDREW  c.  MCLAUGHLIN 

. 

ASSISTANT  PROFESSOR  OF  HISTORY  IN  THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  MICHIGAN 


BOSTON  AND  NEW  YORK 
HOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN  AND  COMPANY 


1891 


Copyright,  1891, 
BY  ANDREW  C.  McLAUGHLIN. 


All  rights  reserved. 


The  Riverside  Press,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  U.  S.  A. 
Electrotyped  and  Printed  by  H.  0.  Houghton  &  Company 


PREFACE. 


I  HAVE  made  no  effort  in  the  pages  of  this  book 
to  give  more  than  the  leading  facts  of  the  public 
life  of  Lewis  Cass.  He  has  been  studied  as  the 
representative  of  a  section  of  the  country ;  yet  his 
general  influence  and  his  personal  characteristics 
have  been  briefly  presented.  Little  material  was 
found  ready  at  hand  for  the  task.  He  left  no 
diary  or  accumulated  correspondence,  and  only  a 
few  volumes  of  printed  speeches  and  addresses. 
The  personality  of  the  man  had  to  be  gathered 
from  a  careful  consideration  of  his  public  utter 
ances,  and  from  the  recollections  of  his  friends. 
Some  of  these  are  still  living,  and  have  kindly  and 
generously  assisted  me.  I  have  neither  cared  nor 
dared  to  place  an  estimate  upon  his  character  dif 
ferent  from  that  held  by  the  men  who  knew  him 
and  trusted  him.  I  have  conferred  with  political 
foes  as  well  as  political  friends,  and  have  found 
a  remarkable  consensus  of  opinion.  It  is  to  be 
hoped,  therefore,  that  the  judgments  of  the  book 


vi  PREFACE. 

will  not  be  attributed  to  the  natural  partiality  of 
a  biographer. 

I  have  received  but  little  help  from  either  of  the 
biographies  of  General  Cass,  both  of  which  were 
written  during  his  lifetime.  There  has  been  dan 
ger  in  coming  into  close  contact  with  their  indis 
criminate  justification,  and  yet  such  volumes  aid 
us  in  appreciating  the  limitations  and  conditions 
of  a  political  period  which  we  have  ourselves  out 
grown.  Mr.  Smith,  while  writing  "  The  Life  and 
Times  of  Lewis  Cass,"  seems  to  have  had  access 
to  a  diary  which  was  kept  by  Cass  when  on  his 
tour  to  Greece  and  the  far  East.  Of  the  original 
I  can  find  no  trace,  and  have  felt  at  liberty  to  refer 
to  Mr.  Smith's  excerpts.  In  other  particulars  the 
pages  of  the  public  documents  and  of  established 
authorities  have  furnished  me  with  materials.  The 
references  that  are  indicated  do  not  purport  to  in 
clude  a  complete  list  of  the  sources  of  information 
or  of  the  books  used  in  preparing  this  volume. 
There  has  been  no  attempt  to  strengthen  every 
assertion  by  appropriate  reference  to  authority. 
When  a  suggestion  has  been  consciously  taken  from 
some  well-known  writer,  or  a  phrase  has  been  bor 
rowed  because  of  its  peculiar  aptness,  an  acknow 
ledgment  has  been  made  by  a  foot-note.  Occa 
sionally  an  unexpected,  novel,  or  pivotal  statement 


PREFACE.  vii 

has   been   supported    by   exact   reference   to   the 
sources  of  information. 

I  have  received  valuable  suggestions  from  Judge 
James  V.  Campbell  and  Judge  Isaac  P.  Chris- 
tiancy.  Both  these  men  have  died  since  this  book 
was  begun  ;  I  desire,  however,  to  acknowledge  the 
help  received  from  them.  I  wish  to  express  my 
thanks  to  the  Hon.  G.  V.  N.  Lothrop  and  to  the 
Hon.  Alpheus  Felch.  Grateful  acknowledgments 
are  also  due  to  the  Hon.  Charles  H.  Bell,  of 
Exeter,  New  Hampshire,  and  to  Professor  Isaac 
N.  Demmon,  of  the  University  of  Michigan. 
Judge  Thomas  M.  Cooley,  the  learned  historian  of 
Michigan,  has  given  me  assistance  and  encourage 
ment.  Mrs.  Ledyard  has  given  me  every  aid  in 
her  power  in  my  endeavor  to  obtain  materials  for 
this  life  of  her  father. 

ANDREW  C.  MCLAUGHLIN. 

UNIVERSITY  OF  MICHIGAN, 
March  1,  1891. 


CONTENTS. 


I.  THE  OLD  NORTHWEST 1 

II.  EABLY  LIFE 33 

in.  THE  WAR  OF  1812        ......    53 

IV.   GOVERNOR  OF  MICHIGAN  TERRITORY       .        .        86 

~"V.  SECRETARY  OF  WAR 130 

VI.  MINISTER  TO  FRANCE 164 

VII.   A  DEMOCRATIC  LEADER  ;  THE  BISECTION  OF  1844  .  193 
VIII.  SENATOR;    CANDIDATE    FOR    THE  PRESIDENCY; 

SQUATTER  SOVEREIGNTY        .        .        .        .      221 
IX.  SENATOR;  THE  COMPROMISE  OF  1850          .        .  258 
X.  THE  REPEAL    OF  THE  MISSOURI  COMPROMISE  ; 

THE  NORTHWEST  FORMS  A  NEW  PARTY       .      287 
XI.  SECRETARY   OF   STATE  ;  SECESSION  ;  THE   LAST 

YEARS  322 


LEWIS  CASS. 

CHAPTER  I. 

THE   OLD   NORTHWEST. 

THE  five  States  north  of  the  Ohio  River  form  an 
historical  and  a  geographical  unit.  They  have  their 
individual  peculiarities,  but  possess  common  tradi 
tions  and  doubtless  a  common  destiny.  Their  his 
tory  does  not  begin  with  the  Ordinance  of  1787. 
Long  before  this  characteristic  American  constitu 
tion  was  passed,  or  the  Puritan  of  New  England 
sought  a  new  home  west  of  the  Alleghanies,  this 
portion  of  our  country  had  its  records  and  its 
annals.  In  its  later  development  under  Ameri 
can  auspices  it  felt  the  fashioning  influences  of  the 
past.  Tendencies  strengthened  by  age  cannot  be 
counteracted  in  a  moment.  Time  and  trial  are 
necessary  elements  in  such  a  transformation  as  that 
which  rejuvenated  the  old  Northwest,  filled  it  with 
vigor,  with  energetic  American  life  and  modern  zeal 
for  industry  and  political  activity.  The  United 
States  was  the  third  power  to  occupy  it.  The  earlier 
tenures  by  France  and  England  furnished  obsta 
cles  in  the  way  of  later  American  progress. 


2  LEWIS   CASS. 

The  Norths  esc  is  the  first  foster  child  of  the  Re 
public.  The  principles  of  Americanism  now  seem 
inborn  and  inbred;  but  foster  child  it  is,  and  its 
growth  has  been  influenced  by  its  parentage  and 
early  training.  Into  parts  of  the  country  north  of 
the  Ohio  the  people  from  the  South  and  East  came 
suddenly  and  in  swarms,  which  changed  the  face  of 
nature  so  quickly  that  the  historian  has  been  con 
tent  with  exclamation.  But  Michigan  was  not  thus 
re-clothed  and  energized  in  a  moment.  Wisconsin 
lagged  and  shuffled  in  her  progress.  Even  Illinois 
and  Indiana  were  slightly  retarded  by  inherited 
incumbrances.  It  is  true  that  "  north  of  the  Ohio 
the  regular  army  went  first,"  1  and  the  settler  fol 
lowed  in  its  wake.  But  the  regular  army  does  not 
transform  and  renovate  or  sweep  away  on  its  bayo 
nets  the  customs  of  a  century's  growth. 

American  statesmanship  is  not  confined  to  wa 
ging  political  warfare  or  to  winning  victories  of 
diplomacy.  A  good  portion  of  the  life  of  Lewis 
Cass  was  spent  in  striving  to  Americanize  Mich 
igan  and  other  portions  of  the  Northwest,  to  intro 
duce  popular  government,  modern  methods  of  legal 
procedure,  modern  habits  of  life,  modern  civiliza 
tion.  In  the  development  of  Michigan  from  ter 
ritorial  confusion  and  uncertainty  to  the  order  of 
statehood,  there  were  constant  exertions  to  over 
come  inertia  and  to  break  away  from  the  sluggish 
forces  of  the  past.  While  guiding  and  directing 
these  exertions,  while  inculcating  democratic  ideas, 

1  Roosevelt,  Winning  of  the  West,  vol.  i.  p.  24. 


THE  OLD  NORTHWEST.  3 

while  holding  forth  attractions  to  settlers,  while 
struggling  for  the  independence  of  the  Northwest 
against  British  aggressions,  Cass  was  performing 
the  work  of  a  national  statesman  and  his  efforts 
were  of  national  concern. 

Popular  government  was  but  slowly  introduced 
into  a  territory  which  had  been  long  contentedly 
under  the  sway  of  absolutism.  Sault  de  Ste.  Marie 
was  established  fourteen  years  before  Philadelphia ; 
Detroit  but  nineteen  years  after  her  Quaker  sister. 
And  yet,  a  hundred  and  twenty -five  years  after 
Penn  begged  his  colonists  not  to  be  "  so  govern- 
mentish,"  the  inhabitants  of  Michigan  were  living 
without  capacity  to  appreciate  or  desire  to  know 
the  delights  of  political  controversies,  which  were 
so  dear  to  the  Americans  of  the  coast.  For  more 
than  a  century  after  the  exploration  of  the  North 
west  its  history  pertained  to  that  of  Canada,  and 
that  portion  of  the  country,  which  was  first  settled 
and  first  came  under  Canadian  influence,  was  the 
last  to  free  itself  from  trammels  of  Celtic  bondage 
and  provincial  ignorance. 

The  French  with  gracious  ease  seemed  to  insinu 
ate  themselves  into  the  western  country,  following 
the  watercourses  as  great  highways  to  the  unex 
plored  interior.  Long  before  the  institutional  Eng 
lishman  plodded  his  way  westward  to  the  Allegha- 
nies,  the  Frenchman  had  traversed  the  country  of 
the  Great  Lakes  and  the  Mississippi  Valley  and 
was  familiar  with  the  haunts  of  the  beaver.  The 
proselyting  spirit  of  religion  and  the  spirit  of  trade 


4  LEWIS   CASS. 

vied  with  each  other  in  efforts  to  lead  the  way. 
Early  in  the  seventeenth  century,  Recollet  fathers 
landed  at  Quebec,  prepared  to  begin  a  work  of  con 
version  among  the  Indians.  Five  years  before  the 
founding  of  Plymouth  Champlain  knew  something 
of  the  great  West.  Gradually,  by  way  of  the  Ot 
tawa  River  and  Georgian  Bay,  the  Western  coun 
try  was  discovered,  French  soldier  or  priest  boldly 
entering  unexplored  rivers  or  skirting  the  coasts  of 
unknown  lakes  with  calm  courage  or  with  a  simple 
faith  which  drove  out  fear.  Wisconsin  was  known 
before  Rhode  Island  was  settled ;  and  the  hardy 
Jesuits  began  their  work  in  northern  Michigan 
before  Puritanism  had  more  than  emerged  from 
behind  its  stockades  in  a  corner  of  rocky  New 
England. 

But  the  Iroquois  could  not  be  charmed  by 
chanted  vespers  nor  softened  by  Christian  influ 
ence.  The  priest  endured  tortures  and  prayed  with 
out  ceasing  and  without  avail.  Had  he  been  suc 
cessful,  the  Indians  of  Western  New  York  and 
Northern  Ohio  would  have  been  won  over  to  pur 
poses  of  French  statecraft.  They  would  have 
become  an  implacable  enemy  to  Dutch  aggression, 
an  impassable  barrier  to  the  advance  of  English 
traders.  As  it  was,  England's  enemies  were  pushed 
northwest  into  the  upper  lake  region,  and  the  Ohio 
Valley  was  kept  by  the  savage,  until  the  English 
farmer,  in  response  to  demands  of  trade  and  agri 
culture,  carried  with  him  over  the  mountains  the 
Penates  of  a  constitutional  state.  Ohio  had  no 


THE   OLD  NORTHWEST.  5 

history  until  the  American  colonist  was  ready  to 
enter  the  country,  ready  to  establish  there  real 
nerve  centres  of  English  influence,  real  vital  and 
life-giving  homes  of  English  politics  and  English 
civilization. 

There  is  nothing  more  interesting  in  the  course 
of  history.  The  heathen  and  savage  guarded  till 
the  fullness  of  time  a  land  destined  to  become 
the  home  of  American  constitutionalism,  not  to 
be  blighted  by  imposed  governments  ordained  by 
Richelieu  and  the  state  -  absorbing  monarchs  of 
France.  Long  after  Illinois  and  Wisconsin  were 
known  and  their  rivers  described  with  some  pre 
tense  at  accuracy,  Ohio  was  a  terra  incognita^  the 
shores  of  Lake  Erie  unknown,  the  Ohio  and  the 
Wabash  confused.  Not  till  after  the  middle  of  the 
last  century  was  there  anything  like  an  accurate 
knowledge  of  that  portion  of  the  Northwest  which 
was  nearest  to  English  settlements  and  naturally 
the  most  accessible  to  the  French.  Even  the  Con 
necticut  Land  Company  in  1796  found,  by  its  sur 
veys,  that  the  Connecticut  Reserve  had  a  million 
acres  less  than  geographical  ignorance  had  antici 
pated.1  This  explains  to  some  extent  why  the  oc 
cupancy  of  Ohio,  signalized  by  the  landing  of  the 
"  new  pilgrims,"  at  Marietta,  differs  from  the  occu 
pation  of  many  other  portions  of  the  Northwest. 

Neither  the  daring  voyages  of  Hennepin,  whose 
lies  reveal  a  glimmer  of  truth  and  cloud  an  envi 
able  reputation,  nor  the  explorations  of  Joliet  and 

1  Hinsdale,  The  Old  Northwest. 


6  LEWIS   CASS. 

Marquette  need  be  recounted  here.  The  journey  of 
La  Salle,  who  in  1682  floated  his  canoe  down  the 
Mississippi  and  took  possession  of  the  country  in 
the  name  of  King  Louis,  proclaimed  the  birth  of 
New  France  with  its  two  heads,  as  Parkman  has  so 
graphically  expressed  it,  one  in  the  cane-brakes  of 
Louisiana  and  the  other  amid  the  snows  of  Canada. 
But  the  task  of  connecting  these  two  heads,  of  vital 
izing  the  whole  monster,  of  filling  its  veins  with 
life-giving  blood,  was  difficult  and  in  the  end  im 
possible.  Efforts  were  strenuously  made  to  hold 
firmly  the  portions  first  known  to  French  influence. 
Jesuits  and  traders  settled  in  Wisconsin  and  Mich 
igan.  In  1671  Saint-Lusson,  in  solemn  fashion, 
in  presence  of  Indian  braves  and  Frenchmen  at 
the  Sault,  took  possession  of  the  surrounding  coun 
try  with  overawing  pomp  and  splendor.  The  great 
historian  of  French  America  may  well  suggest  that 
all  that  remains  of  this  pompous  sovereignty  is  the 
"  accents  of  France  on  the  lips  of  some  straggling 
boatman  or  vagabond  half-breed."  Yet  this  occu 
pancy  meant  the  introduction  of  French  ideas,  of 
French  methods  and  policy  of  state,  of  French  civ 
ilization  guarded  or  retarded  by  the  dictates  of  an 
absolute  monarch.  It  meant  that  a  century  and  a 
half  was  to  pass  before  Michigan  could  cast  aside 
her  foreign  trappings  and  take  her  place  as  a  pros 
perous  American  territory  with  progressive  Amer 
ican  ideas.  Ohio,  which  hardly  knew  the  face  of  a 
white  man  until  the  New  Englander  came  over  the 
mountains  with  school-book  and  hymnal  in  his 


THE   OLD  NORTHWEST.  7 

hands,  was  ready  for  statehood  in  fifteen  years  from 
that  immigration.  Michigan  had  to  serve  a  dreary 
and  necessary  tutelage  of  nearly  one  hundred  and 
seventy-five  years  from  its  first  settlement  before  it 
struggled  irregularly  to  its  place  beside  the  neigh 
boring  States.  Wisconsin,  discovered  by  the  push 
ing  fur  trader  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  ago,  has 
seen  only  within  the  last  half  century  the  begin 
nings  of  agricultural  and  manufacturing  life. 

The  fur  trade  induced  the  French  to  take  posses 
sion  of  Michigan  and  to  hold  it  against  all  English 
aggression.  Late  in  the  seventeenth  century  there 
were  efforts  on  the  part  of  the  English  of  New 
York  to  attract  the  Indians  with  English  goods 
and  rum,  but  all  efforts  to  turn  the  fur  trade  from 
Montreal  to  New  York  were  unavailing.  If  these 
attempts  had  been  successful  the  history  of  the 
northern  lake  region  would  have  been  totally  differ 
ent.  Michigan  would  have  been  an  English  colony 
before  Georgia,  and  in  all  probability  would  not  for 
a  century  have  lagged  behind  that  State  in  progress. 
Nothing  but  concentrated  and  patriotic  action  could 
win  the  Northwest  to  England.  For  Louis  XIV 
took  thought  for  the  fur  trade,  and  every  element 
of  Canadian  progress  or  failure  was  of  interest  to 
him.1  He  subsidized  trade ;  he  encouraged  neces 
sary  charitable  institutions  ;  he  was  ready  to  fleece 
old  France  that  new  France  might  have  a  covering. 
Whatever  revenue  he  obtained  from  Canada  was 
derived  from  the  fur  trade,  and  this  trade  must  be 

1  Parkraan's  Old  Regime  in  Canada. 


8  LEWIS   CASS. 

supported  by  the  power  and  cunning  of  France. 
He  was  ready  to  salve  his  conscience  with  the  state 
ment  that  brandy  not  only  secured  the  trade  of  In 
dians  but  drew  them  from  English  Protestantism 
within  the  blessed  influences  of  the  true  religion. 

Yet  the  Northwest  was  really  held  for  France  by 
those  whom  Governor  Denonville  himself  described 
as  the  damaging  element  in  Canadian  life.  The 
fur  trade  was  "  hardy,  adventurous,  fascinating."  * 
Every  effort  was  made  to  keep  it  under  the  control 
of  the  government,  that  the  king  might  find  remu 
neration  for  vast  outlays  and  that  the  colonists 
might  not  feel  its  fascinations  too  strongly.  Trade 
was  put  in  a  straight-jacket  and  chained  to  Mon 
treal  ;  monopoly  succeeded  monopoly  in  successive 
failures.  But  trade  is  aggressive  if  it  exists  at  all, 
and  it  broke  from  its  fastenings  and  flung  away 
restraints.  The  Indians  were  intercepted  on  their 
way  to  Montreal,2  were  "  drenched  with  brandy," 
and  their  beaver  skins  bought  for  a  song.  Finally 
the  adventurous  and  reckless  among  the  settlers 
fled  to  the  western  woods,  where  they  might  live  or 
trade  as  they  desired.  These  law-breakers  did  now 
for  France  the  work  which  she  was  not  quite  ready 
to  do  for  herself.  These  wandering  bush-rangers 
held  the  Northwest  against  the  English,  and  be 
came  the  first  white  settlers  of  the  Northern  States. 
The  English  of  New  York  were  feeling  their  way 
in  the  direction  of  the  fur  country,  and  even  before 

1  Parkman's  Old  Regime  in  Canada. 

2  Ibid. 


THE   OLD  NORTHWEST.  9 

the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century  the  Northwest 
might  have  fallen  into  the  grasping  clutches  of 
English  trade,  to  be  settled  by  Englishmen  and 
ruled  with  English  methods,  if  the  hardy,  lawless 
coureur  des  bois  had  not  pushed  his  way  into  the 
coveted  country. 

The  bush-rangers  hated  England  and  adored  the 
France  whose  laws  they  disregarded.  They  estab 
lished  trading  posts  throughout  the  wilderness  some 
years  before  they  made  the  attempt  at  permanent 
settlement.  With  an  accurate  knowledge  of  the 
topography  of  the  country  they  took  positions 
which  in  later  years  have  been  singled  out  for  pur 
poses  of  trade  as  well  as  defensive  warfare.  Du 
Lhut  established  a  post  on  the  northern  shore  of 
Lake  Superior  to  prevent  the  possible  approach  of 
the  Hudson  Bay  Company  from  the  north.  Gov 
ernor  Denonville  was  obliged  to  ask  this  man,  who 
at  one  time  was  in  danger  of  attracting  all  the 
youths  of  New  France  to  the  woods,  to  fortify  the 
straits  as  a  barrier  to  English  advance  in  the  South. 
In  spite  of  restrictive  laws  and  the  displeasure  of 
Louis  himself,  who,  with  a  natural  love  of  order 
and  method,  was  sorely  annoyed  at  the  irregulari 
ties  of  the  straggling  coureurs  des  bois,  who  seemed 
to  be  destroying  his  fondest  hopes  of  systematic 
and  concentrated  settlement  along  the  St.  Law 
rence  ;  in  spite  also  of  hardships  and  privations, 
the  reckless  bush-rangers  increased  in  numbers, 
until  it  was  said  that  every  family  of  quality  in 
Canada  could  count  its  friends  and  relatives  among 


10  LEWIS   CASS. 

the  rollicking  outlaws,  while  the  despairing  Eng 
lish,  longing  for  the  beaver  of  Michigan,  announced 
that  they  too  must  have  "  bush  lopers." 

A  "  picturesque  "  element  were  these  men  in  the 
life  of  early  Canada,  picturesque  on  their  return  to 
brawl  and  gamble  in  the  settlements  after  a  long, 
successful  journey  of  fur  hunting,  and  "  artistic,"  1 
as  with  courage  and  reckless  thoughtlessness  they 
made  their  way  into  the  western  wilderness.  But 
they  were  more  than  picturesque  and  artistic. 
They  early  influenced  the  savages  to  hate  the  Eng 
lish,  and  to  look  upon  the  French  as  their  allies, 
and  this  was  of  vast  importance  in  the  after  efforts 
for  domination.  Moreover,  with  a  marvelous 
adaptability,  many  assumed  Indian  habits  and  in 
gratiated  themselves  by  becoming  Indians.  After 
years  of  law-breaking  or  wood  -  ranging,  unused 
to  the  amenities  of  civilization  or  the  restraints  of 
law,  they  settled  through  the  western  country  with 
Indian  wives  or  concubines,  raised  a  brood  of  half- 
breed  children,  and  passed  their  days  in  worse  than 
savage  idleness. 

When  the  time  came  to  change  French  for  Eng 
lish  control,  the  Indians  reluctantly  consented,  and 
down  to  the  middle  of  the  present  century,  al 
though  the  British  were  generally  preferred  to  the 
Americans,  the  French  were  greatly  preferred  to 
either.  "Whatever  may  have  been  the  reason," 
said  Governor  Cass,  "  the  fact  is  certain  that  there 
is  in  the  French  character  peculiar  adaptations  to 

1  Parkman's  Old  Regime  in  Canada. 


THE    OLD   NORTHWEST.  11 

the  habits  and  feelings  of  the  Indians,  and  to  this 
day  the  period  of  French  domination  is  the  era  of 
all  that  is  happy  in  Indian  reminiscences."  l  At 
the  Sault  de  Ste.  Marie,  in  1826,  a  Chippewa  chief, 
addressing  the  American  agent,  thus  pathetically 
referred  to  the  happy  days  of  the  French  dominion 
in  the  West :  "  When  the  Frenchmen  arrived  at 
these  falls  they  came  and  kissed  us.  They  called 
us  children  and  we  found  them  fathers.  We  lived 
like  brethren  in  the  same  lodge,  and  we  had  always 
wherewithal  to  clothe  us.  They  never  mocked  at 
our  ceremonies,  and  they  never  molested  the  places 
of  our  dead.  Seven  generations  of  men  have 
passed  away,  but  we  have  not  forgotten  it.  Just, 
very  just,  were  they  towards  us."  2 

"The  French  empire  in  America,"  says  Park- 
man,  "  could  exhibit  among  its  subjects  every  shade 
of  color  from  white  to  red,  every  gradation  of  cul 
ture  from  the  highest  civilization  of  Paris  to  the 
rudest  barbarism  of  the  wigwam." 3  The  savoir 
vivre  of  these  people  displayed  itself.  With  their 
influence  over  the  Indians  and  their  traditions  of 
inertia,  their  hatred  of  innovation  and  their  utter 
lack  of  ability  to  understand  constitutional  princi 
ples  or  legal  procedure,  they  formed  a  conditioning 
element  in  the  development  of  the  West.  An  ex 
perienced  observer  writing  in  1845  assures  us  that 
the  average  French  -  Canadian  voyageur  had  less 

1  Historical  Sketches  of  Michigan,  p.  24. 

2  Mrs.  Jameson,  Winter  Studies,  etc.,  p.  130. 

3  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac,  p.  69. 


12  LEWIS   CASS. 

perception  and  general  intellectual  capacity  than 
his  Indian  companion.1  These  men,  and  their 
fathers  before  them,  living  in  ignorance,  fell  to  a 
plane  below  the  ignorant  savage  with  whom  they 
mingled.  At  the  present  day  the  half-breeds  form 
a  large  shiftless  element  among  the  woodsmen  of 
the  northern  lake  region.  Many  of  these  bush 
rangers,  leading  Indian  lives,  were  scattered  among 
the  western  tribes,  but  besides  these  a  large  num 
ber  of  watermen,  retired  from  active  employment, 
formed  rude  settlements  along  the  streams  and 
bays  which  open  into  the  great  lakes.  Here  in  un 
ambitious  content  they  spent  their  lives  and  per 
petuated  their  lazy  characteristics  in  a  numerous 
progeny.  Often  Indian  wives  tilled  the  fields 
while  the  gossiping  vogageur  smoked  away  the  day. 
In  some  of  the  more  regular  settlements  there  were 
French  women,  and  though  there  was  a  remarkable 
ignorance  of  agricultural  methods,  the  men  suc 
ceeded  in  raising  enough  to  keep  their  families  in 
comfort. 

The  first  settlements  in  Wisconsin  were  all  of  this 
irregular  kind.  Eetired  watermen,  in  their  narrow 
farms  fronting  the  river,  lived  in  blissful  ignorance 
of  any  aim  in  life  except  to  live.  The  coureur  des 
bois  settled  thus  as  fancy  dictated.  Such  an  irre 
sponsible  settlement  was  the  one  at  Prairie  du  Chien. 
And  a  like  settlement  gradually  grew  up  at  Green 
Bay,  begun  near  the  middle  of  the  last  century, 
and  slowly  augmented  by  the  advent  of  unemployed 
1  H.  R.  Schoolcraft,  Oneota. 


THE   OLD  NORTHWEST.  13 

enyagees.  Their  small  farms  were  tilled  with  care 
sufficient  to  secure  the  necessary  crops  of  wheat 
and  peas.  At  the  beginning  of  this  century  it  was 
impossible  to  tell  what  blood  flowed  in  the  veins  of 
the  settlers.  There  was  only  one  woman,  we  are 
told,  in  the  latter  settlement  who  pretended  to  be 
"  all  white,"  and  she  had  been  "  accidentally  "  im 
ported.  Nevertheless  the  manners  of  these  simple 
people  were  fascinating,  for  in  spite  of  the  admix 
ture  of  the  blood  of  the  red  man,  who  has  his  own 
dignity  and  stately  ease,  they  never  lost  the  graces 
of  old  France.  Here  at  Green  Bay  there  were 
good  examples  of  what  these  semi-French  con 
ceived  to  be  goverment.  Many  are  the  amusing 
stories  of  how  Justice  Keaume,  in  patriarchal  fash 
ion,  enforced  his  own  sweet  will  as  the  law  of  the 
land.  Well  on  in  the  present  century,  when  Wis 
consin  was  fairly  under  American  government  and 
there  was  an  effort  to  introduce  popular  methods, 
this  curious  old  justice  knew  much  more  of  Cou- 
tume  de  Paris  than  of  the  common  law.  His  jack- 
knife  in  the  hands  of  an  extemporized  constable 
performed  the  functions  of  a  common  seal,  and  he 
gave  his  unique  decisions  in  his  broad  French  or 
broken  English  without  reference  to  anything  but 
the  law  of  prejudice. 

Turning  to  Michigan,  we  find  there  various  set 
tlements  of  this  kind,  founded  under  similar  condi 
tions  ;  but  these  did  not  become  centres  of  growth 
and  development  under  the  French  regime*  Mich 
igan  was  the  home  of  the  beaver,  and  the  French 


14  LEWIS   CASS. 

authorities  soon  realized  the  importance  of  secur 
ing  this  portion  of  the  West  by  responsible  settle 
ments.  La  Motte  Cadillac  seems  first  to  have 
entertained  the  idea  of  making  "  the  straits "  a 
centre  of  French  control  in  the  West,  to  defend 
the  fur  trade,  prevent  English  encroachments,  and 
assure  permanent  influence  over  the  neighboring 
Indian  tribes.  Already  renowned  as  a  faithful  offi 
cer  and  soldier,  he  at  last  gained  the  end  of  his  de 
sires,  and  in  1701  reached  Detroit  with  his  company 
of  soldiers  and  artisans.  These  early  settlers  were 
not  lowborn  or  lawless.  Everything  was  conducted 
in  an  orderly  and  systematic  manner,  under  the 
auspices  of  government.  The  slur  passed  upon 
the  citizens  of  Detroit  by  Governor  Hull  and 
Judge  Woodward  in  October,  1805,  was  a  need 
less  one.  "When  it  is  remembered,"  they  said, 
"  that  the  troops  of  Louis  XIV  came  without  wo 
men,  the  description  of  persons  constituting  the  sec 
ond  generation  will  not  be  difficult  to  conceive."  1 
La  Hontan's  graphic  description  of  how  women 
were  sent  over  in  cargoes  to  become  the  wives  of 
the  Canadian  settlers  is  well  known.  Mother  Mary, 
not  entirely  pleased  with  such  consignments  of 
mixed  goods  ("  une  marchandaise  melee  "),  com 
plained  of  "~beaucoup  de  scandale"  Doubtless 
Canada  has  been  feebly  blessed  by  these  persons 
and  their  descendants.  But  such  were  not  the 
early  settlers  of  Detroit.  The  whole  history  of 
that  city  shows  that  the  residents  were  of  no  mean 

1  Michigan  Pioneer  Co/.,  vol.  viii.  p.  404. 


THE   OLD  NORTHWEST.  15 

birth,  surely  not  in  a  demoralized  condition,  or 
from  a  low  and  depraved  ancestry.  Into  various 
portions  of  Canada  many  respectable  and  even 
noble  persons  immigrated,  and  the  permanent  set 
tlements  of  Michigan  were  not  less  favored. 

For  various  reasons  Detroit  developed  but  slowly 
after  this  auspicious  foundation.  At  times  the 
French  authorities  were  unfriendly  to  colonization. 
They  were  encouraged  in  their  hostility  by  the 
missionaries  on  the  one  hand,  who  feared  the  vices 
of  civilization,  and  who  desired  that  the  Indians 
should  come  in  contact  with  none  but  themselves, 
and  by  the  fur  trader  on  the  other,  who  was  natu 
rally  averse  to  the  advance  of  the  homes  of  men  into 
the  midst  of  the  lodges  of  the  beaver.  Moreover 
there  was  no  instinctive  appreciation  of  the  fitness 
of  things.  Land  was  granted  under  the  most 
absurd  feudal  restrictions,  so  to  be  held  until 
American  practical  sense  disposed  of  the  absurdi 
ties.  The  place  was,  however,  a  centre  of  French 
influence  in  the  West,  and  gradually  assumed  per 
manence  and  a  degree  of  prosperity.  It  was  not 
an  ill-formed,  straggling  village,  where  rough  water 
men  and  half-breeds  passed  their  lazy  lives.  We 
have  reason  to  believe  that  from  the  first  there  was 
comfort,  and  occasionally  even  an  approach  to  ele 
gance,  in  the  houses  that  clustered  in  and  around 
the  stockade.  For  some  of  the  early  townsmen 
were  artisans,  who  desired  by  work  and  by  a  very 
moderate  thrift  to  establish  themselves  and  their 
families  in  comfort.  It  will  not  do,  however,  to 


16  LEWIS   CASS. 

banish  entirely  from  the  colony  the  picturesque 
bush-ranger.  The  town,  which  had  been  placed  in 
the  very  midst  of  his  hunting  grounds,  was  often 
visited  when  savings  were  to  be  squandered  in  merri 
ment  and  riot ;  the  descendants  of  these  happy  trap 
pers  and  watermen  were  the  boatmen  of  the  ear 
lier  part  of  this  century  ;  their  frail  canoes  carried 
Cass  to  many  a  treaty  ground,  from  Detroit  to  the 
head  of  Lake  Superior,  to  Green  Bay  or  Chicago. 

Seventy-five  years  ago  Detroit  was  still  a  French 
settlement,  and  fifteen  years  ago  its  French  char 
acteristics  were  evident  to  the  stranger  in  a  cas 
ual  visit  to  the  city.  The  few  Scotch  who  came 
in  during  the  latter  years  of  the  English  domin 
ion  affiliated  with  the  French  and  appreciated  their 
conservatism.  In  consequence  of  this  ancestry, 
there  has  always  been  a  steadiness  and  sobriety 
in  business  and  a  caution  and  reserve  in  society. 
It  has  not  felt  until  recently  the  stir  of  American 
life  as  has  Buffalo,  or  Cleveland  placed  in  the 
heart  of  "New  Connecticut."  It  can  scarcely  be 
doubted  that  conservative  French  Catholicism  has 
had  its  influence  in  giving  a  peculiar  tone  and  set 
ting  a  dignified  pace.  It  is  true  that  after  Detroit 
had  been  ostensibly  an  American  city  for  forty 
years,  the  introduction  of  New  England  life  gave 
the  town  a  look  of  prosperity  and  activity  which 
was  lacking  to  the  Canadian  towns  across  the  river. 
But  the  comparison  rather  accentuates  than  contra 
dicts  the  previous  assertions.  Not  long  ago,  easily 
within  the  memory  of  men  now  living  in  Detroit, 


THE   OLD  NORTHWEST.  17 

the  well-to-do  French  peasant  held  his  acres  and 
refused  twice  their  value,  or  demanded  perhaps 
that  the  city  put  a  rail-fence  on  each  side  of  the 
street  which  eminent  domain  had  forced  through 
his  land.  In  1818  the  people  of  Michigan  refused 
to  take  upon  themselves  the  popular  privileges 
offered  by  the  charter  of  1787.  A  number  of 
other  examples  might  be  given  of  how  conserva 
tism  has  influenced  Michigan  and  its  chief  city  in 
their  development  into  modern  American  life. 

For  a  long  time  Detroit  was  practically  Mich 
igan.  For  French  and  American  tendencies  are 
different.  If  the  Americans  had  first  settled  Mich 
igan,  the  farmer  would  have  pressed  into  the  coun 
try  in  the  footsteps  of  the  fur  trader,  farms  would 
have  appeared  in  secluded  places  in  the  forests, 
and  a  town  would  have  grown  up  from  natural 
causes  and  developed  as  the  needs  of  the  farming 
community  of  the  back-country  dictated.  But  as 
the  gregarious  and  social  tendencies  of  the  French 
have  made  Paris  the  centre  of  their  life,  so  in  the 
western  woods  all  roads  led  to  the  rude  metropolis, 
and  it  had  an  unusual  dignity  and  importance.  We 
are  enabled,  therefore,  to  concentrate  our  atten 
tion  ;  and  in  examining  with  some  care  the  life  of 
Detroit  and  its  vicinity  we  shall  see  the  lives  of  the 
better  element  of  the  French  settlers  in  the  North 
west.  Their  habits  are  the  best  guide-posts  to 
their  characters,  and  best  indicate  the  peculiar  po 
sition  of  these  people  in  northwestern  history. 

Down  to  1763  the  city  grew  slowly  by  the  immi- 


18  LEWIS   CASS. 

gration  of  discharged  soldiers  or  settlers  from  Can 
ada.  In  the  time  of  the  English  domination  there 
came  a  few  English  traders  and  a  few  canny  Scotch 
with  their  habits  of  thrift  and  deftness.  But  the 
French  habitant  does  not  allow  his  ease  to  be  in 
terfered  with.  Everywhere  the  world  presents  the 
same  roseate  hue  to  his  contented  vision.  After 
1796  some  Americans,  making  their  way  into  the 
Territory,  jostle  him  about  a  little,  insist  on  trial 
by  jury,  talk  to  him  of  popular  elections  and  other 
incomprehensible  problems,  suggest  the  idea  that 
Detroit  may  become  a  great  commercial  centre. 
He  is  called  upon  by  an  impudent  investigating 
committee  to  show  the  title  deeds  to  the  farm  which 
his  father  and  father's  father  held  before  him.  A 
look  of  uncertainty  and  mild  inquiry  occasionally 
appears  on  his  placid  face.  The  narrow  streets  are 
filled  with  Indians  rushing  to  exchange  their  pel 
tries  for  American  goods,  and  to  pay  enormous 
prices  for  inferior  articles.  After  the  war  of  1812 
a  few  Marietta  settlers  find  their  way  to  the  straits, 
and  a  few  educated  families  from  New  England 
form  a  conspicuous  element  in  the  city's  life.  But 
the  Frenchman  passes  this  all  by  with  a  shrug  at 
the  curious  activity  of  the  energetic  " Bostonais" 
His  social  life  flows  smoothly  on  in  the  same  old 
channels.  Until  the  people  from  New  England 
and  New  York  begin  to  pour  into  the  Territory 
through  the  newly-opened  Erie  canal,  one  can  trace 
few  changes  in  the  general  characteristics  of  the 
place.  Detroit  iii  the  first  quarter  of  this  century 


THE   OLD  NORTHWEST.  19 

has  still  the  tint  of  a  by-gone  age.  One  feels,  as  he 
looks  at  her,  that  he  has  slipped  back  into  the  Mid 
dle  Ages,  long  before  there  was  any  prophetic  con 
sciousness  of  the  dust,  din,  and  uproar  of  the  busy 
and  scientific  nineteenth  century.  He  sees  a  picture 
of  unpretentious  comfort  and  happy  listlessness. 
Without  even  the  knowledge  that  Protestantism 
was  a  religion,  the  habitant  clung  to  his  beloved 
Catholic  worship.  His  daily  life  was  graced  with 
interruptions  of  picturesque  festivals,  cheered  with 
merry-makings  and  adorned  with  highly-colored 
ceremonies.  Like  the  neighbors  of  Goldsmith's 
good  vicar,  he  "  observed  festivals  and  intervals  of 
idleness  and  pleasure ;  kept  up  the  Christmas  carol, 
sent  true-love  knots  on  Valentine  morning,  ate 
pancakes  on  Shrovetide,  and  religiously  cracked 
nuts  on  Michaelmas  eve."  With  the  simple  joy 
which  comes  with  the  consciousness  of  irresponsi 
bility,  he  took  part  in  games  and  jollities,  which 
are  far  below  the  responsible  dignity  of  later  Amer 
ican  money-making. 

The  habitants,  whose  farms  stretched  back  from 
the  river,  with  scarcely  a  gap  between  them  from 
Lake  Erie  to  Lake  St.  Clair,  had  in  general  the 
characteristics  of  the  better  class  of  Canadian 
farmers.1  They  were  honest,  hospitable,  religious, 
inoffensive  and  uninformed,  possessed  of  simplicity 
and  civility.  Without  ambition  and  attached  to 
ancient  prejudices,  they  sought  no  more  than  the 
necessaries  of  life.  Many,  as  a  result  of  happy  in- 

1  George  Heriot,  Travels  in  Canada,  London,  1807. 


20  LEWIS   CASS. 

action,  were  poor  without  realizing  their  poverty ; 
some  were  well-to-do  without  boasting  of  their 
wealth.  Strangers  were  received  with  unembar 
rassed  politeness,  without  traces  of  rusticity  in  man 
ners  or  speech.  Mrs.  Jameson,  the  delightful  critic 
of  Shakespeare,  who  visited  this  western  country  in 
1837,  writes,  in  wondering  admiration  of  the  pol 
ished  address  of  the  simple  farmer :  "  If  you  would 
see  the  two  extremes  of  manner  brought  into  near 
comparison,  you  should  turn  from  a  Yankee  store 
keeper  to  a  French  Canadian."  His  language,  too, 
betokened  his  pure  descent ;  for  the  patois  of  the 
French  settler  of  the  Northwest  is  largely  a  myth 
created  by  the  reasoning  imagination  of  thoughtless 
travelers  or  indiscriminating  writers.  The  bush 
ranger,  whose  settlements  have  been  described, 
doubtless  often  cumbered  his  speech  with  Indian 
words  and  confused  it  with  half-remembered  con 
structions.  But  such  was  not  the  case  with  the 
habitants  near  Detroit  or  the  average  farmer  of 
Canada.  It  was  "  curious "  but  not  unusual  to 
find  in  the  western  wilderness  "a  perfect  specimen 
of  an  old-fashioned  Norman  peasant  —  all  bows, 
courtesy,  and  good  humor;"  and  his  speech  was 
not  less  purely  Celtic  than  were  his  unalloyed 
courtesy  and  grace. 

The  Frenchman  is  dependent  on  companionship. 
The  pioneer  life  of  the  American  farmer  ripens  in 
dividuality  and  intensifies  salient  characteristics, 
until  the  word  "  character "  itself  is  synonymous 
with  person  ;  but  nothing  is  more  evident  than  the 


THE   OLD    NORTHWEST.  21 

utter  lack  of  individuality  or  aggressive  personality 
among  the  western  Frenchmen.  When  one  of  a 
class  is  seen  all  his  fellows  are  known  to  us.  The 
Frenchman  could  not  think  of  going  alone  into  the 
woods  to  cut  out  of  the  very  forest  a  home  for  him 
self  and  family,  a  feat  of  wonderful  self-sufficiency 
so  common  to  the  independent  American  farmer. 
One  farm  must  be  within  hailing  distance  of  an 
other,  or  the  French  farmer  is  miserable  in  his  lone 
liness.  Down  the  Detroit  Eiver  the  farms  extended 
back  from  the  stream,  each  having  its  own  water 
frontage.  Such  "  pipe  stem  "  tracts  may  still  be 
seen  in  the  vicinity  of  Detroit,  like  those  of  the 
quaint  settlements  along  the  St.  Lawrence  and  its 
tributaries.  The  social  farmers  could  shout  to  one 
another  from  their  doorsteps,1  and  would  carry  on 
their  gossipy  conversations  when  they  ought  to 
have  been  tilling  their  fields.  The  stream-haunt 
ing  Canadian  has  been  happily  compared  to  the 
beaver  or  the  muskrat.  At  times  he  seemed  to 
live  in  the  waters  and  marshes  around  him,  build 
ing  his  cabin  where  it  was  accessible  only  to  a 
canoe.  The  miasma  which  he  breathed  seemed  to 
furnish  him  with  food  rather  than  engender  disease. 
A  century  and  more  after  the  founding  of  Detroit 
the  farms  still  clung  lovingly  to  the  river  banks, 
and  a  mile  back  from  the  streams  was  still  seen 
the  untouched  forest.  The  troops,  who  came  from 
Ohio  to  Detroit  in  1812,  found  only  one  muddy 
road  winding  along  between  stream  and  wood,  a 

1  Bela  Hubbard,  Memorials  of  a  Half  Century,  p.  116. 


22  LEWIS   CASS. 

situation  which  offered  the  lurking  savages  every 
opportunity  for  ambush  and  attack.  What  roads 
there  were,  the  water-loving  habitant  despised ;  but 
over  his  rough  highways  he  jogged  merrily  to 
market  with  a  two-wheeled  Norman  cart  and  rough 
dwarfish  pony,  a  curious  mongrel  animal  of  un 
known  pedigree,  but  with  an  endurance  and  pos 
sible  speed  which  delighted  the  simple  peasant  or 
his  rollicking  sons. 

Covetousness  was  the  most  infrequent  vice  ;  for, 
although  they  did  not  know  the  best  arts  of  hus 
bandry,  these  simple  farmers  nevertheless  provided 
from  their  own  resources  everything  necessary  to 
supply  their  wants.  The  arts  of  the  tailor  and 
mason  were  often  added  to  the  clumsy  skill  of  the 
agriculturist ;  while  tanning  and  shoemaking  were 
not  uncommon  acquirements.  Their  implements 
were  crude,  rough,  and  heavy;  their  methods  of 
tillage  ludicrous  to  the  modern  farmer.  The  cum 
bersome  plough,  to  which  was  attached  a  pony,  or 
mayhap  a  cow  or  steer,  was  used  somewhat  effec 
tively,  but  the  corn  was  tilled  with  the  Indian  hoe 
in  the  simple  fashion  learned  from  the  red  man. 
In  fruit-raising  they  excelled  ;  beautiful  orchards 
were  often  crowded  into  the  narrow  farms ;  cher 
ries  and  peaches  furnished  by  distillation  an  exhil 
arating  drink,  and  cider  continually  provided  a 
mild  stimulant.  But  the  French  farmer  did  not 
succeed  in  becoming  the  ruling  spirit  and  progres 
sive  citizen  of  the  West,  because,  as  a  French 
traveler  gravely  suggests,  he  talked  too  much  and 


THE   OLD  NORTHWEST.  23 

consulted  his  wife  too  often,  and  spent  his  time  in 
argument  rather  than  in  work. 

The  ordinary  habitant,  however  listless  and  un 
ambitious,  did  not  lack  many  comforts.  Gay  and 
happy  with  a  little,  he  often  indulged  even  in  the 
pomps  and  vanities  of  life.  Some  of  the  families 
had  plate  and  silks  and  luxuries  of  various  kinds, 
which,  though  not  paraded,  revealed  noble  descent, 
and  argued  the  existence  of  at  least  the  traditions 
of  wealth.1  The  houses  were  simple,  of  hewn  logs, 
occasionally  covered  with  clapboards,  and  lighted 
in  the  low  upper  story  with  quaint  dormer  windows, 
which  gave,  to  those  in  the  town  especially,  a  Dutch 
appearance,  and  suggested  to  the  New  York  immi 
grant,  as  he  entered  the  Territory,  the  Knicker 
bocker  region  of  his  own  State.  Here  the  people 
lived  in  simple  and  picturesque  fashion.  Their 
amusements  were  many,  and  their  gayeties  intense. 
When  Detroit  under  its  American  rulers  began  to 
take  on  business  airs,  many  were  the  grumblings 
at  the  ordinances  which  prevented  horse-racing 
through  the  narrow  streets,  or  interfered  with  the 
jolly  game  of  ten-pins,  for  which  the  street  was 
used  as  an  alley,  and  a  cannon  ball  as-  a  missile. 
When  winter  set  in,  the  people  gave  themselves  up 
to  pleasure-seeking.  Their  shaggy  ponies,  which 
had  been  allowed  all  summer  long  to  roam  the 
woods  or  scamper  uncontrolled  along  the  river 
banks,  now  became  their  special  pride.  The  swiftest 
of  the  herd  was  dearly  cherished ;  and  the  highest 

1  Campbell,  Outlines  of  Political  History  of  Michigan,  p.  212. 


24  LEWIS  CASS. 

ambition  of  the  farmer  was  to  drive  the  fastest 
pony.  The  frozen  river  was  the  theatre  of  delights, 
or  the  "  Grand  Marais  "  l  a  few  miles  above  the 
city,  swollen  with  autumn  rains,  offered  its  icy  at 
tractions.  Sunday,  as  in  most  Catholic  countries, 
was  a  day  for  enjoyment  as  well  as  solemn  worship, 
and  Saturday  was  generally  an  occasion  of  unre 
strained  merry-making.  Indeed,  one  need  not 
single  out  days.  Sleigh-riding,  dancing,  feasting, 
and  uncontrolled  levity  filled  up  the  passing  winter 
weeks.  A  summer's  providence  was  easily  lost  in 
a  winter's  mild  dissipation. 

Such  was  the  life  of  a  simple  and  illiterate  people, 
and  such  it  long  continued  to  be.  Years  after  the 
introduction  of  American  farming  methods,  busi 
ness  enterprise  and  governmental  policy,  we  find 
the  same  unprogressive  spirit,  unaffected  by  the 
serious  humor  with  which  the  American  undertakes 
both  his  work  and  his  pleasure.  One  naturally  lin 
gers  over  this  picture  of  early  social  simplicity  and 
unrestrained  gayety  ;  for,  leaving  out  of  considera 
tion  the  influences  on  history  and  development,  all 
that  now  remains  is  a  "  pipe-stem  "  farm  or  a  huge 
old  pear-tree,  to  remind  us  of  this  mediaeval  mosaic 
snugly  fitted  into  modern  civilization. 

One  must  not  think,  however,  that  all  the  settlers 
were  of  this  fortunate,  light-hearted,  comfortable 
class,  who  labored  lazily  in  summer  and  spent  the 
winter  in  energetic  frivolity.  These  formed  the 

1  Sheldon,  Early  History  of  Michigan,  p.  371 ;  Memorials  of  a 
Half  Century,  p.  141. 


THE  OLD  NORTHWEST.  25 

majority  at  Detroit  and  in  the  eastern  portion  of 
Michigan.  But  two  classes  can  be  differentiated. 
There  were  some  of  the  lower  class  who  gave  up  a 
life  of  wandering  but  never  became  used  to  the 
graces  and  loose  restraints  of  such  civilization.  A 
few  retired  watermen  and  bush  -  rangers  settled 
there,  in  despair  over  their  vanishing  profession. 
The  "  dark  -  complexioned  imps  with  high  cheek 
bones  and  indescribably  mischievous  eyes,"  whom 
Harriet  Martineau  described  as  Flibbertigibbets 
rowing  or  diving  or  playing  pranks  on  the  shores 
of  Michigan,  were  the  half-breed  progeny  of  these 
men,  who  joined  themselves  in  informal  wedlock 
with  the  beauties  of  the  forest.  There  were  some 
of  these  bronzed  watermen,  unattractive  though 
picturesque,  even  in  Acadian  Detroit;  and  they 
formed  the  most  ignorant  and  the  rudest  element 
of  early  Michigan. 

Frenchtown,  where  Monroe  now  stands,  had  a 
goodly  number  of  farms  nestling  up  to  each  other, 
with  their  heads  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Eaisin  ; 
and  these  were  mostly  inhabited  by  French  Cana 
dians  quite  inferior  to  those  near  Detroit.  They 
exhibited  more  than  the  usual  density  of  ignorance 
and  stupidity  in  tillage.  As  late  as  1816  General 
Cass,  in  a  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  stated 
that  not  a  pound  of  wool  was  manufactured  by  a 
person  of  Canadian  descent  in  the  Territory,  al 
though  four  fifths  of  the  inhabitants  were  of  that 
descent ;  the  fleece  of  the  sheep  was  thrown  away 
or  used  to  cover  up  a  cellar  window.  The  making 


26  LEWIS   CASS. 

of  soap  for  family  purposes  was  an  American  inno 
vation.  Especially  the  Raisin  settlers,  it  is  ap 
parent,  were  slothful  to  the  point  of  poverty.  In 
the  destruction  and  desolation  left  by  the  war  of 
1812,  they  seemed  caught  in  the  meshes  of  igno 
rance  and  despair ;  and  the  bounties  of  government 
were  needed  to  extricate  them.  In  180T  the 
farmers  of  Canada  had  begun  to  adopt  from  the 
English  the  idea  of  fertilizing  their  exhausted 
farms  ; 1  but  long  after  that  the  French  of  Michigan 
dumped  all  fertilizers  into  the  rivers.2 

Once  more  a  comparison  between  Michigan  and 
Ohio  will  show  how  different  were  the  American 
and  the  earlier  French  settlers.  One  of  the  first 
acts  of  the  Ohio  Company  was  to  provide  for  the 
services  of  a  suitable  person  as  a  public  teacher  for 
the  settlement  on  the  Ohio.  The  directors  were 
"  requested  to  pay  as  early  attention  as  possible  to 
the  education  of  youth  and  the  promotion  of  public 
worship  among  the  settlers,"  and  to  employ  an  in 
structor  "  eminent  for  literary  accomplishments." 
In  Michigan,  a  hundred  years  after  its  settlement, 
general  education  was  unthought  of.  A  few  of  the 
more  wealthy  and  worldly  of  the  Detroit  townsmen 
sent  their  sons  to  the  East.  An  occasional  school 
was  of  no  influence,  no  centre  of  enlightenment. 
In  1817  the  "  Gazette,"  a  struggling  newspaper  of 
Detroit,  thus  encouraged  the  French  to  effort : 
"  Frenchmen  of  the  Territory  of  Michigan,  you 

1  Travels  in  Canada,  George  Heriot. 

2  Cass's  Letters,  State  Archives,  Lansing,  Michigan. 


THE   OLD  NORTHWEST.  27 

ought  to  begin  immediately  to  give  an  education  to 
your  children.  In  a  little  time  there  will  be  in  this 
territory  as  many  Yankees  as  French,  and  if  you 
do  not  have  your  children  educated  the  situations 
will  all  be  given  to  the  Yankees,"  —  a  touching 
utilitarian  appeal  to  come  in  the  very  year  when 
curious  old  Judge  Woodward  was  coining  from  his 
inventive  brain  "  Catholepistemiad,  or  University 
of  Michigania."  For  just  at  that  time  the  Yankee 
minority  were  beginning  to  think  of  the  text-book 
and  the  ferule.  Many  a  year  after  this  editorial 
the  French  seemed  fully  convinced  that  it  is  folly 
to  be  wise.  Few  children  learned  to  read,  but  the 
patient  priest  taught  them  their  catechism  and 
showed  them  how  to  tell  their  beads  with  devo 
tional  regularity.1  The  people  were  ignorant  of 
the  English  language,  and  often  did  not  know  of 
the  legislation  enacted  by  their  new  rulers.  In 
1810  a  petition  was  presented  requesting  the  pub 
lication  of  laws  in  French  as  well  as  English. 

The  slow  method  of  conducting  legal  business, 
coming  in  with  the  Americans,  was  a  source  of 
never  ending  surprise  to  the  ordinary  inhabitant, 
who  had  rarely  come  into  contact  with  any  but  the 
sharp  edge  of  the  law.  The  proceedings  of  the 
new  courts  puzzled  him.  Unaccustomed  to  trial 
by  jury,  he  could  see  no  advantage  in  that  intricate 
and  tedious  method  of  deciding  a  suit  which  would 
have  been  disposed  of  in  a  moment  by  the  French 
or  the  English  authorities  before  the  arrival  of  the 

1  Memorials  of  a  Half  Century,  p.  140. 


28  LEWIS   CAS8. 

technical  American.  For  a  long  time  all  legal 
business,  where  a  Frenchman  was  concerned,  was 
carried  on  through  the  medium  of  an  interpreter 
—  a  clumsy  method  at  the  best.  The  attorney  was 
a  new  species,  which  seemed,  ghoul-like,  to  fatten 
on  others'  misfortunes,  and  to  take  a  gruesome 
pleasure  in  seeking  out  forgotten  titles  and  undi 
vided  interests.  The  Americans  have  not  unjustly 
been  called  a  litigious  people.  Often  the  enthu 
siastic  western  lawyer  encouraged  litigation,  and 
there  was  every  temptation  at  Detroit  to  peer  into 
neglected  corners  ;  for  scarcely  a  landholder  in  the 
Territory  knew  how  he  held  his  land.  The  French, 
on  the  other  hand,  were  exasperating  to  the  busy 
Yankee ;  for  they  never  did  to-day  what  could  be 
delayed  till  the  morrow.1 

The  first  public  building  in  an  American  settle 
ment  is  the  court-house,  the  second  the  jail,  and 
the  third  the  schoolhouse,  where  religious  services 
are  sometimes  held.2  The  first  thing  the  French 
do  is  to  erect  a  church  under  the  direction  of  a 
fatherly  priest,  and  the  village  clusters  around  it, 
or  stretches  out  from  it  along  the  river  bank.  The 
noticeable  feature  to-day  in  the  antique  villages  of 
Canada  is  the  little  chapel  surmounted  by  a  cross. 
By  its  side  are  the  priest's  tidy  dwelling  and  flower 
garden,  all  in  a  neat  and  holiday  attire  in  compari- 

1  Report  of  Committee  of  House  of  Representatives   relative  to 
State  of  Territory  of  Michigan,  1807. 

2  Schoolcraft,  Journey  in  Central  Portion  of  Mississippi  Valley, 
p.  37. 


THE   OLD  NORTHWEST.  29 

son  with  the  houses  which  crouch  in  humble  pen 
itence  near  by. 

Kaskaskia  and  Vincennes  and  other  settlements 
were  places  of  importance  in  northwestern  history, 
and  there,  too,  the  French  influence  is  discernible. 
But  though  more  than  once  French  conservatism 
acted  as  a  brake  on  the  wheels  of  progress,  Illinois 
and  Indiana  did  not  feel  the  burden  of  the  old 
occupancy  as  did  Michigan.  The  old  towns  of 
these  two  States  had  passed  a  century  of  listless 
existence,  not  varied  by  the  introduction  of  new 
ideas,  or  bothered  by  needless  civilization,  when 
the  pushing  American  settler  came  to  turn  them 
upside  down  with  his  provoking  hurry  and  energy. 

Lewis  Cass  was  a  statesman  of  the  Northwest. 
He  was  for  a  number  of  years  engaged  in  the  ad 
ministration  of  northwestern  affairs ;  and  when  he 
passed  to  a  broader  field,  he  remained  for  years 
the  most  conspicuous  representative  of  the  people 
of  the  Northwest.  In  the  earlier  period  he  was  a 
leader,  and  guided  rather  obeyed  the  reins  of  the 
popular  will.  When  in  later  years  he  ceased  to 
guide,  he  long  represented  his  constituents.  Their 
progress  can  be  seen  in  a  study  of  his  life.  His 
life  can  be  seen  in  studying  the  progress  of  his  sec 
tion  of  the  country.  No  adequate  portrait  of  the 
man  can  be  obtained,  unless  there  is  a  background, 
which  will  throw  his  characteristics  into  relief.  In 
the  pages  which  follow  there  will  be  no  effort  to 
measure  exactly  French  resistance  to  American 
civilization  and  government,  or  to  determine  accu- 


30  LEWIS   CASS. 

rately  the  weight  of  Cass's  influence  in  making 
Michigan  American.  Such  tasks  are  from  the 
nature  of  things  impossible.  But  there  will  be  an 
attempt  to  recount  his  work,  and  to  exhibit  him  in 
proper  perspective.  It  is  evident  that  there  were 
difficulties  to  be  overcome.  The  Northwest  was  a 
natural  pendant  to  the  St.  Lawrence  Valley ;  but 
won  by  the  English,  and  later  won  from  them  by 
the  Americans,  it  became  pendant  to  the  country 
east  of  the  Appalachians.  Its  political  allegiance 
was  thus  determined.  But  its  social  existence,  its 
real  political  life,  its  individuality  could  not  be 
recreated  by  force  and  arms.  As  the  civil  law 
remained  in  Louisiana,  it  is  not  chimerical  to  imag 
ine  that  Michigan  might  have  continued  hostile  to 
the  common  law  and  the  common  life  of  America, 
had  it  not  been  for  the  energy  of  one  of  the  most 
American  of  American  statesmen.  Might  not  the 
French  of  Michigan  and  Wisconsin  under  other 
circumstances  have  continued  an  unassimilated, 
dissatisfied  class  as  they  have  in  Canada,  a  problem 
to  the  government,  a  nation  within  a  nation  ?  All 
the  characteristics  of  the  French  settlers  have  their 
importance  in  northwestern  history.  As  the  wheels 
of  government  in  Illinois  were  almost  stopped  in 
the  days  of  her  early  statehood,  because  the  French 
citizen  could  not  appreciate  his  privileges,  or  be 
driven  to  the  polls,  so  in  other  places  and  for  many 
years  his  presence  presented  difficulties,  and  affected 
the  whole  development  of  the  country.  Judge  Sib- 
ley,  of  Detroit,  thus  wrote  in  1802  to  Judge  Bur- 


THE  OLD  NORTHWEST.  31 

net :  "  Nothing  frightens  the  Canadians  like  taxes. 
They  would  prefer  to  be  treated  like  dogs,  and  ken 
neled  under  the  whip  of  a  tyrant,  than  contribute 
to  the  support  of  a  free  government."  : 

One  other  phase  of  northwestern  history  needs 
to  be  examined  if  we  are  to  understand  the  devel 
opment  of  the  country,  or  appreciate  the  work  of 
its  statesmen.  The  possessors  of  the  St.  Lawrence 
Valley  had  a  traditional  control  over  the  Indians. 
Wolfe's  victory  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham  has  been 
called  the  most  important  date  in  modern  history,2 
and  the  beginning  of  the  history3  of  the  United 
States.  It  had  its  influence  on  the  Northwest. 
English  rum  took  the  place  of  French  brandy. 
English  presents  supplanted  French  tact.  For  the 
rest  of  the  century  the  Indians  looked  to  the  Eng 
lish  for  encouragement  and  protection.  During 
the  Eevolution,  Detroit  was  the  centre  of  their 
dealings.  Hamilton,  "the  hair  buyer,"  paid  the 
bounty  on  American  scalps,  and  doled  out  rum  in 
enormous  quantities.  "  I  observe  with  great  con 
cern,"  wrote  Governor  Haldiman,  "  the  astonishing 
consumption  of  rum  at  Detroit,  amounting  to  the 
rate  of  17,500  gallons  per  year."  4  By  the  peace 
of  1783  the  Northwest  was  ceded  to  the  United 
States,  but  the  military  posts  were  not  given  up  by 
the  British.  The  Indians  were  encouraged  to  pre- 

1  Notes  on  the  Northwest. 

2  Fiske,  American   Political  Ideas. 
8  Green,  Short  History  of  England. 

4  Haldiman  Papers,  Michigan  Pioneer  Collection. 


32  LEWIS   CAS8. 

vent  the  Americans  from  entering  the  country  north 
of  the  Ohio,  and  only  a  corner  of  that  region  was 
occupied  before  Wayne's  victory  over  the  Indians 
in  1794.  As  the  French  fur  trader  had  hindered 
the  encroachments  of  the  British,  so  now  the  fur 
trader  of  English  Montreal  intrigued  to  prevent 
the  Americans  from  entering  the  fur  region  of  the 
Northwest.  Detroit  was  not  given  up  till  July  11, 
1796.  It  is  said  that,  on  leaving  the  fort,  the  Eng 
lish  filled  the  wells  with  rubbish,  and  destroyed 
the  windmills  of  the  vicinity.  This  may  be  an  ill- 
humored  tradition ;  but  beyond  all  doubt  they  left 
behind  them  the  rubbish  of  a  cruel  and  unneces 
sary  occupancy,  much  less  easily  removed  and  much 
more  inimical  to  the  advancement  of  American  in 
terests  than  was  any  material  debris.  The  Indians 
long  remained  dependents  of  the  British  ;  the  white 
settlers  of  Sault  de  Ste.  Marie  and  Green  Bay  con 
tinued  attached  to  British  interests,  even  raising 
volunteers  for  the  war  of  1812.  A  great  portion 
of  the  life  of  Cass  was  devoted  to  winning  the 
Indians  to  their  proper  allegiance,  and  obtaining 
a  proper  respect  for  American  authority.  All  the 
energies  of  this  northwestern  leader  were  not  ab 
sorbed  by  two  tasks,  counteracting  British  influ 
ences  and  introducing  American  democracy.  But 
these  first  presented  themselves  as  he  entered  the 
field  of  national  statesmanship ;  these  form  the 
starting  point,  and  explain  many  a  circumstance 
throughout  the  whole  course  of  his  life. 


CHAPTER  II. 

EARLY   LIFE. 

ONE  who  examines  the  genealogical  records  of 
New  England  will  observe  that  the  name  Cass  ap 
pears  not  infrequently.  One  branch  of  the  family 
is  easily  traceable  to  James  Cass,  of  Westerly, 
from  whom  seems  to  have  come  Joseph  Cass,  who 
was  living  in  Exeter,  N.  H.,  in  1680.  A  son  of 
Joseph,  who  bore  the  national  praenomen  of  Jona 
than,  was  in  the  latter  half  of  the  last  century  a 
young  man  of  vigor  and  promise  in  Exeter.  The 
place  of  his  residence  is  pointed  out  with  interest, 
and  local  antiquarians  find  temptation  to  portray 
him  in  a  manner  likely  to  enlist  sympathy  and 
attention.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  Ke volution 
Jonathan  was  an  energetic  young  blacksmith,  too 
full  of  life  and  eager  restlessness  to  be  wedded  to 
the  fiery  joys  of  the  forge,  and  too  full  of  patriot 
ism  to  await  the  second  call  to  arms  when  the  bat 
tle  of  Lexington  proclaimed  that  war  was  actually 
begun.  His  comrades  afterwards  remembered  him 
as  an  erect  handsome  man  with  keen  black  eyes, 
and  so  he  appears  in  the  artistic  portrait  still  pre 
served  by  his  descendants. 


34  LEWIS   CASS. 

He  must  have  been  in  his  twenty-third1  year 
when  he  entered  the  army,  which  he  is  said  to  have 
done  almost  immediately  after  Lexington.  He  was 
present  at  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  and  seems  to 
have  been  actively  engaged  at  Princeton,  Trenton, 
Monmouth,  and  all  the  other  important  battles  of 
the  war  in  the  central  and  northern  part  of  the 
country.  His  merits  won  him  an  ensigncy  as  early 
as  1777,  and  by  the  close  of  the  war  he  had  secured 
a  captain's  commission.  At  that  time  he  returned 
to  Exeter,  to  remain  till  other  duties  called  him 
once  more  to  a  life  of  greater  excitement  and  activ 
ity  when  the  presence  of  British  emissaries  in  the 
West  demanded  a  second  enlistment. 

In  1781  he  married  Mary  Oilman,  who  belonged 
to  a  branch  of  the  Gilman  family  which  traces  its 
ancestry  back  to  Norfolk,  England,  where,  in  1558, 
were  living  the  forefathers  of  those  who  in  1635 
landed  in  Boston,  and  began  life  in  the  New  World. 
In  a  house  which  stood  on  the  east  side  of  Cross 
Street,  now  Cass  Street,  Exeter,  Lewis  Cass  was 
born  October  9,  1782.  The  house  was  not,  as  Mr. 
Smith  describes  it,  a  "  small  unpretending  wooden 
dwelling-house,"  nor  is  there  any  reason  for  cred 
iting  the  tradition  that  young  Lewis  was  cradled 
in  "a  sap-trough."  The  building  was  large  for 
those  days,  or  at  least  far  from  small  and  humble. 
It  was  one  of  the  customary  pine  boxes  of  New 
England,  with  a  central  chimney  and  a  front  hall, 

1  Niles,  vol.  xxxix.  p.   157 ;  Evarts,  MusJcingum  County,   Ohio, 
p.  352.     Contra,  Smith's  Life  and  Times  of  Lewis  Cass,  p.  15. 


EARLY  LIFE.  35 

on  each  side  of  which  opened  large,  square,  com 
fortable  rooms.  The  poor  but  industrious  Jonathan 
no  doubt  was  able  to  furnish  a  good  cradling  for 
his  firstborn;  Lewis  was  the  eldest  of  six  children, 
the  youngest  of  whom  was  only  eight  years  his 
junior. 

His  boyhood  fell  in  the  uneasy  anxious  times  of 
the  Confederation.  The  air  was  full  of  political 
clamor,  and  electric  with  dreaded  disaster.  State 
selfishness  and  political  greed  were  the  accompani 
ments  of  personal  selfishness.  Avarice  and  dis 
honesty  were  the  natural  effects  of  a  demoralizing 
war.  All,  who  thought,  hoped  desperately  or  fore 
told  the  worst.  In  after  years  Lewis  Cass  looked 
back  upon  those  boyhood  years  with  a  memory  re 
tentive  of  their  deep  impressions.  If  in  later 
years  he  had  a  never-failing  love  for  the  Union  and 
the  Constitution,  he  might  trace  it  in  part  to  the 
relief  that  came  when  the  Constitution  was  adopted, 
and  the  Union  was  no  longer  a  shadow.  "You 
remember,  young  man,"  he  said  to  James  A.  Gar- 
field  in  1861,  "  that  the  Constitution  did  not  take 
effect  until  nine  States  had  ratified  it.  My  native 
State  was  the  ninth.  It  hung  a  long  time  in  doubt 
ful  scale  whether  nine  would  agree ;  but  when,  at 
last,  New  Hampshire  ratified  the  Constitution,  it 
was  a  day  of  great  rejoicing.  My  mother  held  me, 
a  little  boy  of  six  years,  in  her  arms  at  a  window, 
and  pointed  me  to  the  bonfires  that  were  blazing  in 
the  streets  of  Exeter,  and  told  me  that  the  people 
were  celebrating  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution. 


36  LEWIS   CASS. 

So  I  saw  the  Constitution  born,  and  I  fear  I  may 
see  it  die." 

His  native  State  had  known,  before  that  joyful 
ratification,  much  of  turbulence  and  disorder.  The 
paper-money  mob  of  1786  was  one  of  those  ex 
plosions  which  were  only  too  common  throughout 
the  distraught  Confederation.  Paper  money  had 
played  many  a  prank  in  colonial  times,  but  the  fa 
vors  of  an  unlimited  issue  were  still  eagerly  sought 
by  those  whom  the  war  had  impoverished,  and 
by  those  who,  restless  when  the  war  was  over,  de 
manded  new  opportunities,  and  were  dissatisfied 
because  a  war  for  liberty  had  not  brought  them 
wealth,  honor,  and  the  golden  age  which  had  been 
preached  as  the  ever-present  heaven  of  democracy. 
The  contest  which  ensued  between  the  supporters 
of  law  and  the  mob  is  graphically  described  by 
local  historians.1  Jonathan  Cass,  whose  zeal  for 
authority  and  love  of  order  are  apparent  through 
out  life,  was  so  carried  away  by  enthusiasm,  tra 
dition  tells  us,  that  in  his  eagerness  to  charge 
upon  the  grumbling  mob  he  leaped  his  horse  over 
a  well.  A  trivial  incident  this,  no  doubt,  but 
it  shows  what  sort  of  blood  was  in  the  family 
veins. 

It  usually  falls  to  the  lot  of  a  biographer  to  nar 
rate  at  least  a  few  instances  of  prophetic  precocity. 
But  none  are  to  be  told  of  Lewis  Cass.  It  is  clear 
that  in  early  years  he  was  fond  of  study,  and 
evinced  a  capacity  which  encouraged  his  father  to 

1  History  of  New  Hampshire,  by  McClintock,  p.  371. 


EARLY  LIFE.  37 

give  him  an  education  beyond  the  means,  one  would 
think,  of  the  mechanic  and  soldier,  who  must  have 
had  some  difficulty  in  making  both  ends  meet.  In 
1792,  when  the  boy  was  scarcely  ten  years  old, 
he  entered  the  academy  in  Exeter,  and  came  into 
the  stimulating  presence  of  Benjamin  Abbott.  The 
stern  discipline  and  accurate  scholarship  of  the 
principal  had  a  moulding  influence  on  the  minds 
of  his  pupils,  and  the  years  spent  at  the  academy 
were  important  ones  in  the  life  of  Cass.  Nothing 
especial,  however,  is  known  of  this  period  of  his 
career.  Presumptions  of  fine  scholarship  have 
been  made,  perhaps  not  without  warrant.  Web 
ster  thirty  years  afterwards  remembered  him  as 
"  a  clever  fellow,  good-natured,  kind-hearted,  ami 
able,  and  obliging."  Perhaps  he  was  one  of  those 
considerate  school-fellows  who  refrained  from 
laughing  at  the  rustic  manners  and  uncouth  ap 
pearance  of  the  youthful  Daniel,  and  thus  won  his 
grateful  remembrance. 

Meantime  his  father,  who  had  been  unsuccess 
fully  presented  to  Washington  as  a  suitable  marshal 
for  the  State,  had  accepted  a  commission  in  the 
army  raised  for  the  defense  of  the  western  fron 
tier,  and  was  with  "  Mad  Anthony  "  in  his  cunning 
and  vigorous  campaign.  Major  Cass  was  left  in 
command  of  Fort  Hamilton,  and  retained  command 
until  the  treaty  of  Greenville.  There  were  some 
amusing  yet  pathetic  letters  written  from  that 
dreary  western  country  to  the  boy  at  Exeter ;  let 
ters  which  by  their  quiet  reticence  concerning 


38  LEWIS   CASS. 

sufferings  and  hardships  give  us  only  the  clearer 
insight  into  lives  which  had  never  risen  to  an 
appreciation  of  their  misfortunes.  Debby,  the 
oldest  daughter,  once  added  a  significant  postscript 
in  which  she  urged  the  favored  student  to  save  his 
school  books  for  the  rest  of  the  family.  Another 
letter,  signed  "  your  affectionate  parents,  J.  &  P. 
Cass,"  announces  somewhat  ambiguously  that  "  my 
leg  is  gaining  strength,"  and  "  commands  "  the  son, 
who  by  that  time  was  deeply  engrossed  in  Latin 
and  Greek,  and  was  ready  for  an  introduction  to 
the  mysteries  of  rhetoric  and  philosophy,  to  pay 
attention  to  his  handwriting  as  his  brothers  and 
sisters  were  doing  in  the  Ohio  wilderness.  There 
is  always  something  touching  in  the  uninitiate's 
reverence  for  good  penmanship.  But  such  words 
are  simply  illustrative  of  the  level,  from  which  the 
oldest  son,  with  better  opportunities,  was  preparing 
to  push  himself  forward  to  a  prominence  which 
gives  to  these  letters  a  significance  and  an  interest 
not  their  own. 

There  have  been  many  conflicting  statements, 
needlessly  inaccurate,  concerning  the  education 
which  Cass  received.  There  is  still  in  existence  in 
Exeter  a  certificate,  supposed  to  be  a  copy  in  the 
handwriting  of  Cass  himself,  which  very  plainly 
sets  forth  the  advantages  which  he  secured.  It  is 
there  stated  that  he  had  been  a  member  of  the 
academy  for  seven  years,  and  had  acquired  the 
principles  of  the  English,  French,  Latin,  and  Greek 
languages,  geography,  arithmetic,  and  practical 


EARLY  LIFE.  39 

geometry ;  that  he  had  made  "  valuable  progress 
in  the  study  of  rhetoric,  history,  natural  and  moral 
philosophy,  logic,  astronomy,  and  natural  law." 
The  usual  testimony  of  good  moral  character  fol 
lows  this  enumeration  of  his  acquirements. 

The  course  of  Cass's  life  immediately  subsequent 
to  his  residence  at  the  academy  is  not  easily  dis 
cernible.  His  father  had  returned  from  the  West 
some  time  after  the  treaty  of  Greenville,  and  in 
1799  was  stationed,  probably  in  some  military  capa 
city,  at  Wilmington,  Del.  A  few  months,  passed 
in  teaching  in  an  academy  at  that  place,  seem  to 
have  satisfied  young  Cass  that  the  uneventful  life 
of  the  schoolmaster  was  not  to  his  liking.  The 
major  had  returned  from  the  new  West  with  glow 
ing  accounts  of  opportunities,  and  pedagogics  were 
laid  aside  for  the  hardships  and  excitement  of 
pioneering.  Nothing  could  be  much  more  incon 
gruous  than  Lewis  Cass  in  the  class-room  in  those 
restless  days  of  his  young  manhood  when  he  was 
energetic  to  the  very  point  of  wastefulness,  and 
burned  with  an  ardor  for  trial,  activity,  combat. 
The  family  slowly  made  their  way  into  the  Ohio 
valley.  Lewis,  with  his  bundle  on  his  back,  plodded 
over  the  mountains  into  the  "  Old  Northwest," 
which  was  yet  young  enough,  and  bore  the  wrin 
kles  of  age  only  where  the  Frenchman  had  intro 
duced  antiquity  and  sloth.  Major  Cass  resigned 
his  commission  at  Pittsburgh,  and  pushed  on  into 
Ohio. 

The  wilderness  which  he  had  left  after  the  treaty 


40  LEWIS   CAS 8. 

of  Greenville  was  a  wilderness  no  longer.  Now  at 
the  beginning  of  the  new  century  towns  were  start 
ing  up  as  apparitions,  here  and  there,  with  ghost-like 
quickness.  The  long  stretches  of  lonely  forests, 
which  he  had  known,  were  now  alive  with  busy 
farms  and  bright  with  wheat  and  maize.  All  down 
the  Ohio  valley  were  the  buzz  and  bustle  of  indus 
try.  The  New  Englanders  were  there  with  their 
thrift  and  their  parsimony  and  their  shrewd  busi 
ness  methods  which  astonished  and  annoyed  the 
easy-going  Southerner.  For  the  slave-owner,  too, 
was  there,  a  slave-owner  no  longer.  Many  such 
had  moved  to  the  unshackled  Northwest,  now  that 
the  fear  of  the  Indians  was  removed,  and  with  a 
magnanimity  useless  on  the  plantations  of  the  South 
had  given  freedom  to  their  slaves.  Virginia,  Ken 
tucky,  and  North  Carolina  lost  many  energetic  citi 
zens,  who  sought  the  untarnished  freedom  of  that 
new  land,  where  the  curse  of  slavery  could  not  be 
bequeathed  to  their  children.  Still  other  immi 
grants  from  the  South,  however,  never  gave  up  the 
hope  of  introducing  the  system  which  the  Or 
dinance  of  '87  forbade.  At  Marietta  and  in  its 
vicinity  were  the  driving  sons  of  Puritanism,  who 
had  begun  a  settlement  with  much  of  the  same 
serious  purpose  and  the  same  sad  energy  which  had 
marked  their  ancestors  of  the  rock  bound  coast. 
School  and  church  were  there;  and  much  of  the 
puritanic  ideal  alloyed  with  modern  zeal  for  mate 
rial  prosperity.  But  farther  to  the  West,  in  the 
direction  of  Cincinnati,  were  Southerners  full  of 


EARLY  LIFE.  41 

characteristic  hospitality  and  magnanimity  and  Jef- 
fersonism,  and  a  few  full  of  ignorance  and  sloth 
and  the  lazy  disposition  of  more  sunny  and  smiling 
skies.  This  was  no  place,  one  would  say,  for  him 
who  was  not  ready  to  make  his  way  with  hoe  and 
axe.  Yet  in  southern  Ohio  there  still  remains  a 
certain  modicum  of  this  unprogressive,  indolent 
element,  continually  presenting  the  query,  whence 
came  the  motive  and  the  energy  to  move  to  the 
northern  woods  at  all. 

Major  Cass  seems  to  have  brought  his  family  to 
Marietta  in  October,  1800,  and  to  have  gone  north 
to  the  vicinity  of  Zanesville  the  next  year.  Lewis 
Cass  probably  settled  in  Marietta  in  the  latter  part 
of  1799,1  and  began  there  his  study  of  the  law  in 
the  office  of  Mr.  R.  J.  Meigs  who  was  afterwards 
governor  of  the  State  of  Ohio.  The  major  located 
forty  land  warrants,  for  one  hundred  acres  each,  in 
the  vicinity  of  Zanesville,  and  Lewis  spent  at  least 
a  portion  of  his  time  in  the  wilderness,  helping  his 
father  to  hew  his  way  to  comfort.  Solomon  Sibley 
on  his  way  to  Detroit  found  his  friend  of  after 
years  pounding  corn  in  a  hollow  stump  before  his 

1  It  is  almost  impossible  to  determine  this  date  with  accuracy. 
I  have  thought  best,  in  spite  of  strong  evidence  for  the  date  1800, 
to  adapt  the  one  given  in  Young's  Life  of  Cass,  inasmuch  as 
Mr.  Young  is  supposed  to  have  had  the  advice  of  Cass  himself  in 
the  preparation  of  the  book,  and  the  copy  from  which  I  take  the 
statement  was  the  general's  own  copy.  If  such  an  evident  mis 
take  had  been  made,  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  it  would  have 
been  indicated  on  the  margin  by  the  subject  of  the  memoir. 
There  are  many  other  reasons  for  deciding  upon  this  date. 


42  LEWIS   CASS. 

father's  door,  and  the  traveler  was  invited  to  par 
take  of  the  evening  meal,  the  preparations  for 
which  were  thus  primitively  begun.  The  young 
man,  eager  for  a  career,  and  fond  of  study,  learned 
from  experience  the  privations  of  frontier  life.  He 
felt  the  impulses,  generous  and  strong,  which  come 
to  the  woodsman.  The  settlers  in  the  West  of 
after  years  needed  to  tell  him  nothing.  He  knew 
their  needs,  he  realized  their  capacities,  he  sympa 
thized  with  their  longings.  All  this  appreciation 
of  northwestern  characteristics  moulded  his  career 
and  increased  his  usefulness. 

There  were  various  and  different  elements  in 
the  population  of  Ohio,  as  already  suggested ;  but 
everything  in  frontier  life  calls  for  activity  and 
stimulates  to  energy.  Only  those  of  restless  dis 
position  or  fearless  independent  thought  were  apt 
to  leave  their  homes  in  the  East  to  begin  life  again 
in  the  West.  There  were  no  prescribed  customs, 
no  rut  for  thought's  progress,  no  smothering  upper 
crust  of  wealth  and  aristocracy.  Everybody  knew 
what  everybody  else  was  worth,  and  measured  with 
rude  exactness  the  height  of  the  true  man  without 
reference  to  the  length  of  the  purse  or  to  the  pedes 
tal  of  inherited  position.  Intimate  acquaintance 
with  Nature  suggested  to  the  settler  breadth,  gener 
osity,  and  the  spirit  of  sturdy  independence.  Land 
was  almost  his  only  possession,  and  from  the  time 
of  Tacitus  land-owning  and  Anglo-Saxon  freedom 
have  been  curiously  interwoven.  Is  there  no  in 
dication  of  race  decay  in  these  latter  days  when 


EARLY  LIFE.  43 

Americans  give  over  to  Germans  and  Swedes  the 
title  to  their  western  prairies  ? 

In  those  days,  when  the  common  man,  by  virtue 
of  his  own  inherent  vigor,  was  pushing  his  way  to 
independence,  there  came  a  faith  in  the  energy,  the 
sagacity,  the  proper  impulses  of  this  same  common 
man.  Though  Cass  in  his  study  for  the  bar  spent 
much  of  his  early  manhood  in  Marietta,  a  town  of 
New  England  prejudices,  he  was  carried  away  with 
enthusiasm  for  popular  sovereignty  and  faith  in  the 
people,  the  loudly  proclaimed  doctrines  of  Jeffer 
son,  who  with  wondrous  cunning  was  shaping  for 
practical  political  service  in  America  the  edge-tools 
of  Kousseau,  which,  roughly  handled,  had  cut  so 
many  grievous  wounds  in  the  body  of  distressed 
France.  Jefferson  was  to  Americanize  and  make 
practical  the  French  extravagances.  Yet  all  the 
antecedents  of  Lewis  Cass  were  Federalist.  Can 
it  be  fairly  charged,  as  it  was  in  after  years  in  the 
heat  of  party  contests,  that  he  became  a  disciple  of 
the  new  school  only  for  office  and  lucre  ?  It  would 
seem  not.  Meigs  was  a  Jeffersonian.  Others  of 
the  pushing  politicians  were  Virginians.  The  Fed 
eralists,  in  the  dread  of  the  nightmare  Jeffer- 
sonism,  opposed  the  entrance  of  Ohio  into  the 
Union,  and  even  Manasseh  Cutler  himself  was  in 
opposition  to  a  policy  which  the  ambition  of  youth 
desired.  Surely,  if  prejudice  does  not  blind,  one 
can  see  other  forces  than  avarice  driving  the  young 
barrister  into  the  camp  of  the  Democracy.  Ohio, 
in  her  haste  to  become  a  State,  and  in  her  hatred 


44  LEWIS  CASS. 

of  those  who  hindered  her,  in  her  dread  of  the  med 
dling  policy  represented  by  St.  Clair,  adopted  a 
constitution  which  ought  to  have  warmed  the  heart 
of  the  loudest  advocate  of  a  weak  government,  and 
came  into  the  Union  as  a  Jeffersonian  State. 

The  first  certificate  of  admission  to  the  bar  under 
the  new  constitution  of  1802  was  given  to  Lewis 
Cass,  probably  in  the  autumn  of  1802.  Ebenezer 
Zane  had  cut  a  post-road  from  Wheeling  to  Lewis- 
ton,  perhaps  the  first  piece  of  "  internal  improve 
ment  "  undertaken  by  the  government.  "  Zane's 
trace,"  a  winding  bridle-path  with  "  Corduroy " 
bridges,  earned  for  its  creator  three  sections  of 
land  on  the  Muskingum,  and  there  in  1799  Zanes- 
ville  was  founded.  Soon  after  his  admission  to  the 
bar  Cass  began  practice  in  this  little  town,  which 
was  then  struggling  up  in  the  wilderness.  The 
"  streets,"  filled  with  underbrush  and  lined  with 
blackened  stumps,  offered  but  slight  aesthetic  at 
tractions  ;  but  in  1804  Muskingum  County  was 
created,  and  Zanesville  assumed  the  dignity  of  a 
county  seat.  Cass  this  year  was  elected  prosecuting 
attorney  and  began  his  public  career.  The  reputa 
tion  of  the  young  lawyer  seems  to  have  been  already 
somewhat  widely  diffused.  This  was  partly  due  to 
his  influential  friends  in  Marietta  and  to  his  ac 
quaintance  in  other  portions  of  the  State. 

In  those  days  a  young  barrister's  duties  were  not 
confined  to  hanging  out  a  sign  and  listening  for  a 
client's  footsteps.  The  county  seats  were  widely 
separated  by  long  stretches  of  wilderness.  Journeys 


EARLY  LIFE.  45 

of  a  hundred  or  a  hundred  and  fifty  miles  were 
not  uncommon.  Judge  and  lawyers  mounted  their 
horses  and  started  on  the  circuit.  Occasionally  an 
old  Indian  trail  offered  unusual  facilities  for  travel. 
Sometimes  eight  or  ten  days  were  spent  on  a  jour 
ney,  the  travelers  finding  shelter  where  they  best 
could,  at  times  thankful  for  dry  ground  to  lie  upon, 
and  again  warmly  welcomed  to  a  lonely  log  cabin, 
where  some  trustful  farmer  from  over  the  moun 
tains  was  endeavoring  to  subsist  with  his  crop  of 
Indian  corn  planted  at  random  in  a  half-cleared 
field.  Danger  often  added  dramatic  interest  to 
weariness.  Streams  swollen  with  rains  l  must  not 
be  regarded  as  barriers,  and  the  horse  which  could 
not  swim  was  of  little  use  to  the  barrister.  Cass 
in  after  years  merrily  recalled  "  the  dripping  spec 
tacle  of  despair  "  which  he  exhibited  when  in  cross 
ing  Scioto  Creek  his  faithless  horse  threw  him  and 
his  luggage  into  the  water.  "  These,  however,  were 
the  troubles  of  the  day ;  but,  oh,  they  were  recom 
pensed  by  the  comforts  of  the  evening,  when  the 
hospitable  cabin  and  the  warm  fire  greeted  the 
traveler !  —  when  a  glorious  supper  was  spread 
before  him,  —  turkey,  venison,  bear's  meat,  fresh 
butter,  hot  corn  bread,  sweet  potatoes,  apple  sauce, 
and  pumpkin  butter !  —  and  then  the  animated  con 
versation,  succeeded  by  a  floor  and  a  blanket  and  a 
refreshing  sleep !  "  2 

Courts  were  held  where  necessity  or  convenience 

1  Letters  from  Illinois,  p.  61,  London,  1818. 

2  France,  its  King,  Court,  and  Government,  by  Lewis  Cass,  p.  121. 


46  LEWIS    CASS. 

dictated,  often  in  a  log  court-house  with  generous 
interstices  neither  chinked  nor  daubed ;  at  times  in 
a  public  house  where  judge,  jury,  lawyers,  and  wit 
nesses  were  huddled  together  in  perplexing  con 
fusion  ;  not  infrequently  in  a  settler's  cabin  where 
a  court-room  was  quickly  improvised,  and  the  judge 
made  use  of  the  bed  for  his  august  bench.  In 
these  curious  journeys  there  was  merriment  as  well 
as  danger  and  fatigue ;  and  in  these  strange  court 
rooms  there  was  much  of  legal  learning  and  forensic 
skill.  There  was  also  rare  opportunity  for  sharpen 
ing  wit  and  increasing  self-reliance.  Justice  was 
meted  out  with  a  quickness  and  directness  often 
unknown  in  these  artificial  days  of  the  dilatory  plea. 
Perhaps  it  was  a  result  of  communion  with  Nature, 
but  however  this  may  be,  certain  it  is  that  he  who 
was  not  ready,  direct  and  keen,  fitted  into  no  place 
in  the  judicial  system  of  Ohio  in  those  days  of  itin 
erant  courts  and  direct  justice. 

The  constitution  of  Ohio  provided  that  no  person 
should  be  a  representative  who  had  not  attained 
the  age  of  twenty-five  years.  In  October,  1806, 
Cass  completed  his  twenty-fourth  year,  and  in  spite 
of  in  eligibility  was  that  month  elected  to  the  Legis 
lature  and  took  his  seat  on  the  first  Monday  of 
December.  He  became  at  once  an  influential 
member.  A  new  country  bestows  no  premium  on 
the  experience,  of  age ;  young  men  are  for  counsel 
as  well  as  for  war. 

This  year  Burr  began  his  sinuous  operations  in 
the  West.  The  affair  was  long  a  puzzling  episode 


EARLY  LIFE.  47 

in  our  history.  Burr,  fallen  from  his  high  estate, 
was  prompted  by  a  restless  ambition  to  win  new 
glories  in  the  West.  Did  he  mean  to  establish  a 
colony  on  the  Washita  River  ?  Was  he  planning 
an  expedition  against  the  Spanish  Dons  ?  Did  he 
fancy  himself  sitting  on  the  throne  of  the  Monte- 
zumas  ?  Did  he  actually  so  misinterpret  south 
western  spirit  that  he  hoped  he  might  detach  the 
western  States  from  the  Union  ?  Only  recent  in 
vestigations  1  have  given  decided  answers  to  these 
questions.  The  first  was  his  ostensible  design,  the 
last  his  fondest  hope.  He  possibly  dreamed  of 
being  able  to  make  his  colony,  or  perchance  New 
Orleans,  the  basis  of  other  conquests,  relying  on  his 
star  of  destiny  to  guide  him  to  Mexican  wealth  and 
grandeur.  But  his  real  purpose  was  undoubtedly 
to  seek  a  much  fouler  fame  as  the  leader  of  a  west 
ern  revolution.  The  plaudits  of  the  southwestern 
cities  in  an  earlier  visit  had  kindled  his  desires 
and  fanned  into  a  blaze  his  cynical  ambitions.  He 
lacked  all  moral  basis  for  his  intellectual  judg 
ments.  He  was  unable  to  appreciate  moral  enthu 
siasm  as  distinct  from  personal  greed.  He  could 
not  sympathize  with  the  generous  patriotism  and 
devotion  and  the  warm  love  of  country  in  the 
hearts  of  an  open-hearted  people,  whose  grumblings 
he  would  torture  into  treason.  Parton  tells  us  in 
an  adroit  paradox  that  the  public  mind  was  pre 
pared  to  believe  anything  of  Burr,  provided  only 
that  it  was  sufficiently  incredible.  But  Burr  him- 

1  History  of  the  United  States,  Henry  Adams. 


48  LEWIS   CASS. 

self  also,  in  the  dark  recesses  of  his  bright  mind, 
was  curiously  credulous  of  the  impossible. 

Blennerhassett,  a  fanciful  Irish  gentleman,  had 
expended  a  good  portion  of  a  modest  fortune  in 
the  purchase  and  adornment  of  a  small  island  in 
the  Ohio  River  some  twenty  miles  southwest  of 
Marietta.  Peace,  tranquillity,  innocence,  idyllic 
repose,  were  said  by  the  eloquent  Wirt  to  be  the 
tutelary  deities  of  this  new  Eden.  Into  this  gar 
den  of  primitive  bliss  or  modern  folly  Burr  came 
with  his  insinuating  manner  and  winning  address. 
Mrs.  Blennerhassett  was  charmed,  and  her  imagi 
native  husband  soon  quivered  with  eagerness  for 
colonization  and  conquest.'  It  is  true  he  was  so 
near-sighted  that  on  his  gunning  expeditions  a  ser 
vant  aimed  his  gun  for  him  and  told  him  when  to 
pull  the  trigger ;  but  he  was  now  ready  to  hunt  for 
Spanish  Dons  and  to  begin  with  Burr  a  military 
expedition,  the  end  of  which  he  must  have  partly 
understood. 

Blennerhassett's  island  was  taken  as  a  ren 
dezvous  for  the  conspirators.  But  General  Wil 
kinson,  on  whom  Burr  had  relied  for  assistance, 
concluded  that  he  did  not  wish  to  become  a  "  Wash 
ington  of  the  West ;  "  and  President  Jefferson,  not 
loath  to  suspect,  and  yet  surprisingly  blind,  dis 
patched  a  "  confidential  agent  "  to  the  scene  of  the 
incipient  expedition.  By  him  Governor  Tiffin  was 
informed  that  there  was  something  of  strange  pur 
port  going  on  within  the  limits  of  the  State.  A 
message  stating  the  suspicions  of  the  governor  was 


EARLY  LIFE.  49 

sent  by  him  to  the  legislature,  and  that  body  was 
advised  to  take  necessary  measures  of  precaution. 
Cass  was  a  member  of  the  committee  appointed  in 
pursuance  of  the  governor's  recommendation.  He 
had  often  visited  the  island,  and  had  listened  to 
the  eulogies  which  the  giddy  Blennerhassett  lav 
ished  upon  Burr,  and  now  that  his  suspicions  were 
aroused  he  soon  found  reason  for  hardening  them 
into  conviction.  Young  as  he  was,  he  seems  to 
have  been  the  influential  and  active  member  of  the 
committee.  He  drafted  a  bill  which  the  committee 
reported,  and  he  vigorously  supported  it  before  the 
House.  The  governor  was  authorized  to  use  the 
forces  of  the  State  for  suppressing  the  undertaking, 
and  he  acted  with  corresponding  promptness  and 
decision.  Boats,  gathered  at  Marietta,  were  seized 
by  the  militia,  and  some  companies  of  young  woods 
men  and  farmers,  who  were  gayly  bent  on  adven 
ture  and  had  been  charmed  with  the  novelty  and 
possibly  the  glory  of  the  enterprise,  were  intercepted 
on  their  way  to  the  place  of  rendezvous.  This  was 
the  "  first  blow  "  to  the  conspiracy,  as  Jefferson 
confessed.  A  presidential  proclamation  was  issued 
shortly  before  the  Ohio  law.  Burr,  meeting  on  his 
way  down  the  Mississippi  with  the  news  of  disaster, 
resolved  to  trust  the  wilderness  rather  than  the 
courts  of  law.  He  was  captured,  brought  to  trial 
at  Eichmond,  but  acquitted  for  lack  of  evidence  of 
participation  in  an  overt  act  of  treason. 

In  the  mean  time,  at  the  instigation  of  Cass,  the 
Ohio  legislature  adopted  a  resolution    expressing 


50  LEWIS   CASS. 

to  President  Jefferson  its  attachment  to  the  gov 
ernment,  its  confidence  in  his  administration,  and 
its  abhorrence  of  rebellion  and  insurrection.  This 
won  from  the  President  a  politic  reply,  in  which 
with  charming  adroitness  he  magnified  popular 
sovereignty  and  pushed  his  pet  principle  of  the 
necessary  vigor  of  state  authorities  under  the  con 
stitution.  He  was  still  somewhat  fearful  of  slum 
bering  conspiracies,  and  is  said  to  have  suggested 
to  Governor  Tiffin  the  advisability  of  removing  all 
postmasters  west  of  the  mountains  who  might  be 
fairly  suspected  of  "  being  unfriendly  to  the  unity 
of  the  nation."  Practical  civil  administration  would 
always  teach  that  postmasters  are  ex  officio  dan 
gerous  conspirators. 

President  Jefferson  did  not  forget  the  young  ad 
vocate  who  had  so  effectively  supported  his  govern 
ment,  and  in  1807  Cass  was  tendered  a  commission 
as  United  States  marshal.  He  hesitated  to  receive 
it,  fearing  that  it  would  interfere  with  the  practice 
of  his  profession.  But  he  recognized  that  the  ap 
pointment,  coming  as  it  did,  was  a  distinction  and 
an  announcement  of  the  President's  confidence  and 
gratitude.  So  he  accepted  and  retained  the  office 
until  after  the  outbreak  of  the  war  of  1812. 

In  1806  Cass  was  married  to  Miss  Elizabeth 
Spencer,  a  descendant  of  General  Spencer  of  Eevo- 
lutionary  reputation.  The  history  of  his  domestic 
life  is  the  simple  one  of  uneventful  happiness.  So 
even  and  uniform  was  his  private  life,  so  blessed 
with  a  paucity  of  annals,  that  nothing  more  than 


EARLY  LIFE.  51 

this  direct  assertion  is  needed  to  embrace  the  whole 
truth.  About  the  time  of  his  marriage  he  built  on 
his  father's  farm  what  was  then  considered  a  hand 
some  "  double  "  house.  It  was  of  logs,  as  all  the 
mansions  were  in  those  days,  and  part  of  it  is  still 
standing.  Here  his  elder  children  were  born,  and 
this  was  his  home  for  nearly  ten  years. 

The  legal  profession  in  Ohio  in  early  days  was 
not  a  remunerative  one,  and  yet  in  the  first  few 
years  of  practice,  Cass  had  achieved  reputation  and 
accumulated  a  little  property.  He  was  known  as 
one  of  the  foremost  men  at  the  bar.  His  natural 
capacity  for  grasping  legal  distinctions  and  for 
mastering  details  was  aided  by  continuous  industry 
and  by  a  vigor  and  dignity  of  speech  which  were 
always  impressive,  often  eloquent,  and  seldom  failed 
to  influence.  One  of  his  very  last  acts  as  a  prac 
ticing  lawyer  was  the  defense  of  two  judges  of  the 
State  of  Ohio,  who,  in  the  plenitude  of  their  judi 
cial  authority,  had  ventured  to  declare  an  act  of  the 
legislature  unconstitutional,  and  were  impeached 
for  their  presumption.  This  is  an  amusing  in 
stance  of  how  completely  Ohio,  framed  on  the 
shores  and  ways  of  Federalism,  once  fairly  launched, 
had  swung  into  the  current  of  ultra-democracy. 
The  trial  of  the  judges  was  sensational.  The  State 
was  filled  with  excitement.  The  speech  of  Cass  on 
this  occasion  was  masterly  and  convincing,  —  an 
epoch  in  the  judicial  and  constitutional  history  of 
Ohio,  possibly  an  epoch  in  the  judicial  history  of 
our  country.  The  acquittal  of  the  judges  was  a 


52  LEWIS   CASS. 

victory  for  the  young  lawyer ;  but  it  meant  also  a 
victory  for  the  dignity  of  a  collateral  branch  of  the 
state  government.  It  had  its  influence  in  counter 
acting  a  dangerous  tendency  in  the  political  thought 
of  the  period. 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  WAK   OF   1812. 

IN  many  ways  the  history  of  our  country  in  the 
first  forty  years  of  its  existence  as  an  independent 
nation  does  not  furnish  a  story  to  be  read  with 
unmingled  delight.  The  fierce  opposition  to  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution  perpetuated  itself  in 
party  opposition  and  obstruction  after  1789.  And 
scarcely  had  the  infant  state  been  given  vigorous 
development  by  the  tender  care  of  the  party  which 
had  stood  sponsor  at  its  birth,  when  it  was  turned 
over  to  those  who  had  been  its  opponents  and  might 
still  prove  untrustworthy  managers  of  its  affairs. 
Political  feeling  ran  high  in  1801,  when  the  Feder 
alists  in  their  horror  of  Jefferson  plotted  seriously 
to  bestow  the  chief  magistracy  on  Burr.  With  a 
sense  of  strange  familiarity  one  comes  into  that 
atmosphere  of  sectional  strife.  It  is  discouraging 
to  see  how  long  there  has  been  "  solidity  "  north  and 
south  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line.  The  British 
cruiser  boarded  New  England  vessels  and  impressed 
New  England  seamen.  Napoleon  pounced  upon 
our  defenseless  commerce,  and  skillfully  avoided  all 
consideration  of  redress.  Nor  was  it  because  a 
Boston  merchant  thought  more  of  his  cargo  than  he 


54  LEWIS   CASS. 

did  of  his  countrymen,  doomed  to  fight  as  Eng 
lishmen  whether  they  would  or  not,  that  he  bore 
English  cruelty  with  patience,  and  fumed  only  at 
the  arrogance  of  France.  It  was  largely  because 
the  southern  party,  the  party  of  Jefferson,  which 
the  New  Englander  detested,  could  see  no  wrong  in 
French  aggressions  that  the  New  England  Feder 
alist  saw  very  clearly  the  reverse.  Nor  is  the  exas 
perating  timidity  of  Jefferson  to  be  overlooked. 
In  pursuance  of  the  "  terrapin  policy  "  of  his  ad 
ministration  the  country  had  drawn  itself  within 
its  shell,  in  the  hope  of  being  coaxed  out  by  sweet 
concessions.  But  the  embargo,  which  was  said  at 
one  time  to  'be  a  measure  for  the  protection  of 
commerce,  and  at  another  to  be  retaliatory,  proved 
destructive  of  no  interests  save  our  own.  Jeffer 
son's  ridiculous  gunboats  were  literally  a  standing 
statement  of  his  conviction  that  commerce  was  an 
unnecessary  excrescence  on  the  healthful  state. 
Yet  the  Eastern  States  were  developing  a  com 
merce  of  no  mean  proportions,  flourishing  in 
stealthy  trade  in  spite  of  the  damage  inflicted  by 
the  combatants  of  Europe.  But  their  commerce 
never  entirely  recovered  from  the  disastrous  effects 
of  non-intercourse  and  the  embargo.  By  a  singu 
lar  irony  of  fate,  Madison,  on  whose  shoulders 
had  fallen  the  peaceful  robe  of  Jefferson,  was 
driven  into  a  war  of  conquest  and  aggression,  a  war 
for  which  a  timorous  policy  had  ill  prepared  the 
country.  It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  the  war 
of  1812  was  a  sectional  and  party  contest,  and  that, 


THE   WAR    OF  1812.  55 

by  merely  bringing  it  to  a  close,  the  administration 
won  unprecedented  popularity. 

Our  attention  in  this  volume  is  confined  to  the 
progress  of  events  in  the  West,  where  from  the 
first  hostilities  were  fathered  with  a  warm  affec 
tion.  Madison  and  his  fellows  of  the  agricultural 
party  had  been  set  in  motion  by  an  infusion  of 
young  blood  from  the  South,  and  especially  the 
Southwest,  which  played  strange  pranks  in  the 
veins  of  the  old  Democracy.  Vigorous  and  active 
was  this  young  Democracy.  It  made  itself  felt  in 
Congress  in  the  persons  of  Clay  and  Grundy.  It 
was  strong  in  Ohio  and  in  the  Territories,  which 
had  not  yet  put  on  the  toga  virilis  of  statehood. 
For  the  occupation  of  new  territory  is  an  employ 
ment  analogous  to  conquest.  Only  in  the  more  set 
tled  portion  of  Ohio  had  the  rifle  as  yet  been  rele 
gated  to  an  ornamental  position  in  the  chimney 
corner ;  the  farmer  in  the  other  portions  of  the 
Northwest  still  considered  it  an  implement  of  hus 
bandry.  Moreover,  the  remembrance  of  British  in 
trigues,  hostile  to  the  safety  of  the  settler,  was  still 
fresh  in  his  mind,  and  his  hatred  of  England  had 
not  entirely  passed  away.  He  readily  attributed 
the  present  uneasiness  of  the  Indians  to  her  artful 
and  cunning  interference. 

The  plantation  owner  of  the  South  might  possi 
bly  clamor  for  a  war  which  would  in  all  likelihood 
damage  chiefly  the  commerce  of  his  political  oppo 
nent.  But  the  pioneer  of  the  West  had  not  the 
spirit  of  sectional  prejudice,  nor  was  he  hypocriti- 


56  LEWIS   CASS. 

cal  in  his  zeal  for  war ;  he  knew  full  well  that,  if 
hostilities  began,  the  Indian  war-whoop  would  be 
his  reveille.  There  was  a  strong  national  pride  in 
this  portion  of  our  country,  which  had  been  held 
as  a  national  domain  while  the  other  States  were 
wrangling  as  selfish  members  of  an  impotent  con 
federation.  The  pride  of  the  northwestern  settler 
was  not  narrowed  by  petty  traditions  of  a  neigh 
borhood.  He  at  the  very  least  divided  his  affec 
tions  between  his  old  eastern  home  and  his  new 
western  one.  He  might  believe  theoretically  in  the 
sovereignty  of  his  new  State,  but  he  felt  that  he 
had  brought  over  the  mountains  a  portion  of  the 
holy  fire  which  was  still  burning  on  the  altar  of  the 
mother  Republic.  State  sovereignty  or  spiteful 
sectionalism  could  not  grow  in  rank  luxuriance  in 
the  Northwest,  as  the  one  did  under  the  fierce  heat 
of  slavery,  and  the  other  in  the  equally  torrid  zone 
of  trade  and  tariff. 

The  suspicions  of  the  western  settler  were  not 
unfounded ;  for  British  interference  in  the  affairs 
of  this  country  was  not  confined  to  impressment 
of  seamen  and  the  seizure  of  our  merchantmen,  nor 
was  all  hope  of  the  disintegration  of  the  Union  re 
linquished  when  the  frontier  posts  were  at  last  de 
livered  in  1796.  For  many  years  after  that,  there 
was  an  astute  surveillance  of  western  affairs,  and 
an  attentive  sympathy  on  the  part  of  the  English 
government  for  the  Indian  hunter,  who  was  losing 
his  hunting  ground  at  the  advance  of  the  Ameri 
can  farmer.  As  the  war  cloud  in  Europe  became 


THE  WAR   OF  1812.  57 

darker,  and  the  relations  with  America  became 
more  strained,  there  was  renewed  interest  on  the 
part  of  England  in  the  welfare  of  the  poor  red  man. 
Efforts  to  attach  the  Indian  to  the  British  inter 
ests  were  evident.  There  was  a  feeling  of  uneasi 
ness  in  Detroit  as  early  as  1806.  In  1807  direct 
solicitations  for  the  Indian  alliance  were  begun  by 
the  English.1  In  1810  and  1811  presents  were 
handed  out  at  Maiden  to  the  visiting  Indians  with 
excessive  generosity.  The  value  of  goods  dealt  out 
in  the  latter  year  exceeded  that  of  common  years 
by  twenty  thousand  pounds  sterling.  "  All  their 
peltries,"  said  Governor  Harrison,  "collected  on 
the  Wabash  in  one  year,  if  sold  in  the  London 
markets,  would  not  pay  the  freight  of  the  goods 
which  have  been  given  to  the  Indians."2  The 
efforts  of  Tecumseh  and  the  Prophet  to  form  a 
complete  confederation  of  the  tribes  of  the  West 
may  be  attributed  to  lofty  Indian  patriotism  on 
the  part  of  this  red  Alexander  the  Great  and  the 
medicine  man,  his  brother.  But  there  is  little  rea 
son  to  doubt  that  much  of  their  energy  was  due 
to  British  instigation,3  and  that  the  battle  of 
Tippecanoe,  in  1811,  where  Governor  Harrison 

1  American  State  Papers,  Indian  Affairs,  vol.  i.  p.  746. 

2  Farmer's  History  of  Detroit  and  Michigan,  p.  273 ;  American 
State  Papers. 

3  A  Chapter  of  the  War  of  1812,  by  William  Stanley  Hatch,  p. 
102  ;  North  American  Review,  vol.  xxiv.  p.  381 ;  Outlines  of  Po 
litical  History   of  Michigan,  Campbell,  p.  257 ;    Eggleston's   Te 
cumseh,  pp.  91,  92,  126,  127,  etc. ;   Drake's  Life  of  Black  Hawk, 
pp.  62,  63. 


58  LEWIS   CASS. 

met  and  defeated  those  who  had  been  enticed  into 
the  goodly  fellowship  of  the  Prophet,  was  the  real 
beginning  of  the  war  of  1812  in  the  West. 

Claims  have  been  made  that  it  was  because  of 
American  greed  and  cruelty  that  the  English  were 
successful  where  the  Americans  desired  to  be ;  but 
such  assertions  are  without  basis  in  the  facts.  Dur 
ing  the  Revolution  the  English  government  put  a 
bounty  on  an  American  scalp  as  it  might  on  the 
hide  of  a  wolf ;  and  as  the  war  of  1812  came  on, 
the  United  States  government  endeavored  to  per 
suade  the  Indians  not  to  yield  to  the  solicitation 
of  British  agents,  but  did  not  endeavor  until  late 
in  the  war  to  procure  assistance 1  even  from  those 
tribes  which  could  not  be  brought  into  the  British 
alliance. 

The  remembrance  of  these  facts  has  faded  from 
the  memory  of  those  who  goad  themselves  to  a 
pitch  of  patriotism  by  recalling  the  arrogance  of 
Britain  on  the  sea.  But  these  are  facts,  and  there 
is  no  desire  to  heighten  animosity  by  a  recoloring 
of  what  may  very  well  fade  into  indistinctness. 
The  judgment  of  history,  however,  needs  to  be 
just.  So  long  as  such  a  book  as  James's  "  Military 
Occurrences  "  is  seriously  read  and  referred  to  in 
England  as  history,  a  plain  statement  of  truth  can 
not  be  amiss.  The  Indians  themselves  on  more 
than  one  occasion  said  that  "their  Great  Father, 
the  President,  did  not  ask  them  to  involve  them- 

1  Governor  Hull's  Address  to  Indians,  1809,  Michigan  Pioneer 
Coll.,  p.  597. 


THE  WAR  OF  1812.  59 

selves  in  the  quarrels  of  the  white  people,  but  to 
remain  quiet  spectators."  l 

All  this  may  seem  to  have  little  to  do  with  the 
young  lawyer,  whom  we  left  practicing  his  profes 
sion  with  diligence,  and  performing  his  official 
duties  as  United  States  marshal.  But  it  has  much 
to  do  with  him  ;  it  is  a  part  of  his  life.  His  whole 
career  was  changed  by  the  outbreak  of  the  war ; 
a  great  portion  of  his  life  was  devoted  to  coun 
teracting  the  effect  of  British  influence  over  the 
Indians ;  and  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  Eng 
land's  ambition  and  diplomatic  stealth  made  him 
through  his  whole  life  suspicious  of  her. 

Cass  himself  said  in  1827  that  the  hope  of  pos 
sessing  Canada  had  no  more  influence  upon  the 
declaration  of  war  than  the  possession  of  Paris  in 
1814  by  the  allies  had  upon  the  origin  of  the 
Napoleonic  war.  It  is  true  that  the  United  States 
would  not  have  begun  the  war  simply  for  purposes 
of  conquest ;  she  was  driven  into  it  by  a  succession 
of  annoyances  which  had  grown  absolutely  unbear 
able.  But  Cass,  when  he  made  this  statement, 
must  have  forgotten  the  enthusiasm  of  his  earlier 
days.  Clay's  proud  boast  that  with  a  few  Ken- 
tuckians  he  could  conquer  poor,  oppressed  Canada, 
found  an  echo  in  all  the  country  west  of  the  Alle- 
ghanies.  There  was  an  intense  desire  to  invade  the 
neighboring  province,  and  ask  England  how  she 
liked  to  wear  the  boot  on  the  other  foot.  A  firm 
belief  in  the  blessings  of  American  liberty  per- 

1  American  State  Papers,  Indian  Affairs,  vol.  i.,  passim. 


60  LEWIS   CASS. 

suaded  the  western  citizen  that  the  Canadian  was 
waiting  with  impatience  the  opportunity  to  make 
such  blessings  his  own.  In  no  one  had  this  adula 
tion  of  Americanism  developed  more  strongly  than 
in  Cass,  and  it  was  coupled  with  a  fierce  energy 
which  seemed  an  augur^  of  success. 

On  February  6,  1812,  Congress  authorized  the 
President  to  accept  and  organize  certain  volunteer 
military  corps ;  and  on  April  10th  he  was  author 
ized  to  require  the  executives  of  the  several  states 
and  territories  to  take  effectual  measures  to  organize 
and  equip  their  respective  portions  of  100,000  mili 
tia.  Ohio  was  called  upon  for  her  quota  of  men? 
and  in  May  twelve  hundred  volunteers  were  called 
together  at  Dayton.  They  were  divided  into  three 
regiments.  Colonel  McArthur  had  command  of 
the  first,  Colonel  Findlay,  of  the  second,  and  Lewis 
Cass  was  colonel  of  the  third. 

Cass  here  made  his  first  address  to  his  troops : 
"  Fellow-citizens,  — The  standard  of  our  country  is 
displayed.  You  have  rallied  around  it  to  defend 
her  rights  and  to  avenge  her  injuries.  May  it 
wave  protection  to  our  friends  and  defiance  to  our 
enemies !  And  should  we  ever  meet  them  in  the 
hostile  field,  I  doubt  not  but  that  the  eagle  of 
America  will  be  found  more  than  a  match  for  the 
British  lion !  "  These  exclamatory  antitheses  were 
said  to  have  been  received  with  "  rapturous  en 
thusiasm." 

In  May  Governor  Hull,  who  at  that  time  held 
the  governorship  of  Michigan  Territory,  was  ap- 


THE  WAR   OF  1812.  61 

pointed  brigadier-general.  He  had  at  first  refused 
appointment  partly  because  he  differed  from  the 
administration  as  to  the  advisability  of  a  land  ap 
proach  to  Canada,  without  support  on  the  lakes, 
and  partly  also,  doubtless,  because  he  desired  to  shun 
responsibility,  and  dreaded  to  go  back  to  Detroit 
as  an  active  commander,  where  he  had  miserably 
failed  as  a  civil  governor,  because  of  his  pompous 
vacillation  and  ponderous  indecision.  However,  he 
finally  accepted,  took  command  of  the  troops  at 
Dayton,  and  marched  to  Urbana,  where  he  was 
joined  by  the  fourth  regiment  of  regular  infantry, 
about  three  hundred  strong,  under  the  command 
of  Colonel  Miller.  This  regiment  had  seen  service 
under  General  Harrison  in  the  Tippecanoe  expedi 
tion,  and  was  made  up  of  tried  men.  The  march 
to  Detroit  was  a  burdensome  one.  Part  of  the 
way  had  to  be  cut  through  the  persistent  under 
brush,  and  from  the  Maumee  northward  the  road 
in  its  normal  condition  was  primeval  mud  and  water. 
On  June  26th,  when  he  was  not  far  from  the  Mau 
mee,  General  Hull  received  word  from  Washington, 
written  early  on  the  18th,  the  very  day  on  which 
war  was  declared,  urging  him  to  proceed  to  Detroit 
with  all  possible  speed.  The  same  day  Colonel 
McArthur  received  a  letter  from  Chillicothe  stat 
ing  that  before  the  letter  reached  him  war  would 
be  begun.  But  the  actual  announcement  that  war 
had  begun  was  not  received  until  July  2d. 

There  is  no  need  of  covering  up  the  multitude 
of  sins  of  the  Madison  administration  with   any 


62  LEWIS   CASS. 

cloak  of  charitable  inferences.  It  is  simply  inex 
cusable  that  the  British  at  Maiden  should  have 
received  word  two  days  earlier  than  Hull  did,  and 
that  every  effort  was  not  made  to  give  full  infor 
mation  to  our  army,  which  was  marching  practi 
cally  into  the  very  face  of  the  enemy.  In  fact  the 
message  did  not  reach  Cleveland  until  the  28th, 
ten  days  after  the  declaration.  The  administration 
was  creeping  like  a  snail  complainingly  to  war. 
But  that  does  not  entirely  excuse  Hull  for  trusting 
his  baggage  and  papers  to  a  vessel  which,  sailing 
on  the  1st  from  the  Maumee,  was  captured  by  the 
English  off  Maiden.  He  seems  to  have  taken  very 
literally  the  trenchant  irony  of  Eandolph,  who 
portrayed  a  "  holiday  campaign  "  in  which  Canada 
was  to  "  conquer  herself  "  and  "  be  subdued  by  the 
principle  of  fraternity." 

It  will  be  necessary  in  portraying  this  portion  of 
Cass's  life  to  enter  somewhat  fully  into  this  inglori 
ous  campaign.  For  the  wisdom  of  Hull's  action  is 
still  a  subject  of  discussion,  and  his  descendants, 
with  an  amiable  regard  for  his  memory  have  en 
deavored  to  defend  his  actions  as  wise,  humane, 
and  based  on  good  military  principles ;  while  Cass, 
who  was  the  chief  witness  afterwards  against  the 
general,  has  been  accused  of  unworthy  motives,  as 
being  the  tool  of  an  impotent  administration,  and 
a  vile  intriguer  for  favor. 

On  July  5th  the  army  reached  Detroit.  The 
men  were  quite  ready  to  rest.  Cass  himself  re 
called  in  after  years  his  feeling  of  gratification  that 


THE  WAR  OF  1812.  63 

the  long  journey  was  over.  The  "  raw  militia  "  of 
whom  Hull  complained  had  marched  over  two  hun 
dred  miles  through  forest  and  swamps,  building 
bridges  over  smaller  streams,  and  enduring  hard 
ship  and  fatigue.  They  found  Detroit  a  French- 
American  village  of  quaint  aspect,  a  piece  of  old 
France  partly  inoculated  with  Americanism.  An 
entirely  new  stockade  had  been  erected  by  Gov 
ernor  Hull  in  1807,  and  everything  had  a  well-kept 
appearance.  Cass  afterwards  stated  that  he  thought 
some  of  the  embrasures  defective  and  the  platform  ^ 
in  need  of  repair.  This  may  have  been  true,  yet 
Hull  is  probably  not  justly  chargeable  with  negli 
gence  for  not  putting  the  fort  into  better  condition. 
There  were  in  the  whole  of  Michigan  at  that  time 
about  five  thousand  persons,  and  in  Detroit  proper 
not  far  from  a  thousand.  The  Americans  in  the 
Territory  had  used  every  means  to  acquaint  the 
government  with  their  dangers.  They  were  a 
"  double  frontier,"  they  said,  for  no  farm  was  pro 
tected  by  another.  With  a  trust  that  the  govern 
ment  would  help  those  who  helped  themselves,  they 
had  raised  four  companies  of  militia,  which  were 
at  this  time  commanded  by  Judge  Witherell,  an 
experienced  Eevolutionary  officer.  They  were  men 
accustomed  to  the  privations  of  frontier  life,  and 
had  been  in  continual  readiness  for  war  since  1805. 
Hildreth's  estimate 1  that  the  militia  of  the  Terri 
tory  raised  Hull's  force  to  1,800  is  a  very  low  one. 
Nor  will  it  do  to  pass  over  men  of  this  kind  with  a 
1  Hildreth,  Hist,  of  U.  &,  vol.  vi.  p.  338, 


64  LEWIS   CASS. 

slur  at  "  militia."     The  militia  of  Michigan  were 

/no  weaklings,  and  the  Ohio   troops  were  of   the 

material  which  by  many  a  hard  fight  has  given  the 

American  volunteer  system  a  glory  above  a  sneer. 

/That  Hildreth's  estimate,  evidently  based  on  Hull's 
own  statement,1  is  too  low  is  quite  apparent  from 
the  fact  that  Judge  Witherell  stated  that  he  re 
ceived  a  letter  from  Hull,  dated  June  14th,  announ 
cing  that  he  would  soon  be  at  the  Kiver  Raisin  with 
about  2,200  men ;  and  that  the  general  also  wrote 
to  the  Secretary  of  War  that  he  was  confident  that 
his  force  would  be  superior  to  any  which  would  be 
opposed  to  it,  inasmuch  as  the  "  rank  and  file  "  ex 
ceeded  2,000.  The  roU  of  troops  at  Fort  Findlay 
showed  2,075  men.  Hull's  defenders  2  do  not  deny 
that  this  number  is  substantially  correct,  but  he 
asserted  that  there  were  392  men  more  than  the 
President  had  ordered,  and  that  he  had  no  author 
ity  to  take  any  surplus  under  his  command.  There 
were  something  like  four  hundred  men3  in  the 
Michigan  militia,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
Hull's  effective  army,  after  liberal  deductions  be- 
<f  cause  of  garrison  duty,  illness,  and  other  causes, 
reached  over  two  thousand  on  July  6th. 

Now  was  the  time  for  action.  The  enemy  at 
Maiden  had  an  advantageous  position;  for  they 
were  south  of  Detroit,  and  could  easily  cross  the 
river  and  intercept  supplies.  Hull  afterwards  said 

1  Hull's  Defense  (Appendix  to  Trial),  p.  42. 

2  History  of  the  Campaign  of  1812. 

»  Hull's  Memoirs,  p.  125;  HulVs  Trial,  p.  94. 


THE    WAR    OF  1812.  65 

that,  had  he  not  been  ordered  to  Detroit,  he  would 
have  begun  an  attack  upon  the  British  from  an 
other  quarter.  This  is  all  ex  post  facto  imagina 
tion.  He  knew  when  he  left  Dayton  that  he  was 
bound  for  Detroit.  And  now  when  he  was  at  De 
troit  he  refused  to  enter  Canada  until  he  received 
authority  from  Washington.  He  preferred  to  leave 
the  enemy  their  advantage  rather  than  take  active 
measures  of  hostility. 

The  morning  after  the  arrival  of  the  army  at 
Detroit,  Colonel  Cass  was  sent  to  Maiden  with  a 
flag  of  truce  to  obtain,  if  possible,  the  baggage  and 
prisoners  taken  from  the  schooner  which  Hull  had 
trustfully  sent  to  Detroit  from  the  Maumee.  He 
was  led  blindfolded  into  the  presence  of  the  com 
manding  officer,  and  his  demands  were  refused ; 
but  before  he  reached  the  fort  he  was  able  to  make 
a  casual  survey,  which  induced  him  to  believe  that 
it  was  indefensible,  and  he  so  declared  to  Gen 
eral  Hull.  An  examination  of  it  a  year  later 
convinced  him  that  his  first  assumption  was  well 
founded,  and,  inasmuch  as  Hull  in  previous  years 
had  been  at  Maiden  several  times,  there  was  no 
reason  why  he  also  should  not  have  appreciated  its 
weakness.  On  the  9th  orders  were  received  from 
Washington  authorizing  the  army  to  cross  into 
Canada  and  begin  offensive  operations.  A  council 
of  war  was  called,  and  Cass  argued  eagerly  for 
immediate  .  action.  Deserters  from  Canada  ac 
quainted  the  Americans  with  the  numbers  of  the 
British  forces,  and  gave  clear  indication  of  the 


66  LEWIS  CASS. 

feeling  prevailing  among  the  inhabitants  of  upper 
Canada.  Offensive  operations  were  determined 
upon  in  the  council,  and  the  young  officers  were 
jubilant.  But  Hull  was  not  hopeful.  He  advised 
the  Secretary  of  War  not  to  be  "  too  sanguine,"  as 
the  "  water  and  the  savages  "  were  commanded  by 
the  enemy.  He  did  not  care  to  burn  all  argument 
ative  bridges  behind  him,  even  when  he  must  have 
known  that  his  force  greatly  outnumbered  the 
enemy ;  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  in  after  years, 
in  his  peaceful,  bucolic  existence,  he  found  true 
satisfaction  in  the  remembrance  of  his  lugubrious 
reports.  In  the  latest  review  of  this  campaign, 
written  with  rare  judgment  and  impartiality,  the 
statement  is  made  that  Hull  from  the  first  "  looked 
on  the  conquest  of  Canada  as  a  result  of  his  ap 
pearance."  J  The  extract  just  made  from  his  letter 
to  the  Secretary  of  War,  his  hesitation  in  accept 
ing  the  commission  in  the  first  place,  his  timid 
policy  and  delay,  are  hardly  reconcilable,  it  seems 
to  me,  with  this  lenient  interpretation  of  his  con 
duct. 

Cass,  we  are  told,  took  his  stand  in  the  bow  of 
the  first  boat  in  which  the  troops  were  conveyed 
across  the  river,  and  was  the  first  American  to  set 
his  foot  on  Canadian  soil  after  the  declaration  of 
war.  This  well  suggests  the  ardor  of  the  young 
colonel,  whose  zeal  for  war  left  no  room  for  inde 
cision  and  hesitation.  He  had  used  every  means 

1  History  of  the  United  States  of  America  during  the  First  Ad 
ministration  of  James  Madison,  by  Henry  Adams,  vol.  ii.  p.  802. 


THE   WAR   OF  1812.  67 

of  obtaining  information,  and  was  satisfied  that  a 
prompt  and  bold  attack  would  insure  the  fall  of 
Maiden  and  the  conquest  of  Upper  Canada.  The 
troops  reached  the  Canadian  shore  just  above  the 
present  town  of  Windsor,  and  the  young  Ohio 
colonel,  who  was  always  in  the  lead,  hastened  to 
raise  the  stars  and  stripes  over  the  sleepy  French 
settlement  of  Sandwich.  A  detachment  of  the 
enemy  had  abandoned  their  position  opposite  De 
troit,  and  had  hastened  beyond  the  Canard  River, 
nearer  to  the  fort,  which  was  twenty  miles  to  the 
south  of  Hull's  position. 

Two  hundred  copies  of  a  proclamation,  in  which 
the  fraternity  theory  was  given  full  vent,  were  at 
once  distributed.  Subsequent  events  clothed  it  in 
a  humorous  garb,  but  it  was  declared  able  and  vig 
orous  by  the  press  of  the  day,  and  there  can  be  no 
doubt  of  its  influence.  No  less  an  authority  than 
Judge  Campbell,  in  his  "  Outlines  of  the  Political 
History  of  Michigan,"  attributes  this  document  to 
Cass  ;  others  whose  means  of  information  were 
good,  and  who  were  his  personal  friends,  have 
made  the  same  assertion.  It  certainly  bears  marks 
of  the  pomposity  and  incisiveness  of  Cass's  earlier 
style.  The  American  army  was  said  to  have  come 
to  rescue  the  perishing  Canadians  from  the  dragon 
of  tyranny,  to  pour  the  balm  of  liberty  and  frater 
nal  love  into  their  wounds.  They  were  called  upon 
not  to  raise  their  hands  against  their  "  brethren." 
No  assistance  was  required,  for  a  force  was  at  hand 
which  would  "  look  down  all  opposition,"  and  was  a 


68  LEWIS   CASS. 

mere  "  vanguard  "  of  the  host  which  was  to  follow. 
Kare  sport  had  the  cunning  pamphleteers  afterwards 
with  this  confident  announcement  of  success.  The 
"  Wars  of  the  Gulls "  represents  Madison,  the 
"Great  Mogul,"  soliloquizing  as  follows:  "By 
proclamation,  my  illustrious  predecessor  defended 
this  extensive  region  during  a  long  and  warlike 
reign  of  eight  years,  and  brought  the  belligerent 
powers  of  Europe  to  his  feet.  By  proclamation  I 
have  commenced  this  great  and  perilous  war,  and 
by  proclamation  I  will  carry  victory  into  the  very 
chimney  corner  of  the  enemy." 

The  inhabitants  of  Canada  were  warned,  in  this 
circular,  that  they  need  expect  no  quarter  if  found 
fighting  by  the  side  of  an  Indian,  and  that  "  the 
first  stroke  of  the  tomahawk,  the  first  attempt  of 
the  scalping-knife  "  would  be  the  signal  "  for  an 
indiscriminate  scene  of  desolation."  This  clause 
was  the  occasion  of  some  contention  between  the 
commissioners  at  Ghent,  where  the  American  repre 
sentatives  attempted  to  disown  the  whole  proceed 
ing,  asserting  that  it  was  unauthorized  by  their 
government.  But  such  was  not  the  fact.  "  Your 
letters,  .  .  .  together  with  your  proclamation,  have 
been  received,"  wrote  Secretary  Eustis  on  August 
1,  1812.  "  Your  operations  are  approved  by  the 
government."  The  English  commissioners  shud 
dered  in  well  counterfeited  horror  at  the  idea  that 
an  invading  army  should  encourage  treason  and 
rebellion  among  the  inhabitants  of  a  neighboring 
province.  But  there  is  no  doubt  that  such  was  the 


THE   WAR   OF  1812.  69 

principle  of  the  "  fraternal "  conquest  of  Canada  ; 
and  it  is  equally  true  that  England  on  her  own  part 
attempted  to  stimulate  into  open  enmity  the  New 
England  Federalists,  who  grumbled  without  ceas 
ing  at  the  party  war  which  bade  fair  to  leave  noth 
ing  more  substantial  than  a  remembrance  of  their 
commerce,  which  the  embargo  had  already  "  pro 
tected  "  into  debility. 

The  effect  of  this  proclamation  was  immediate. 
Vaporous  as  it  seems  in  the  light  of  subsequent 
events,  it  was  admirably  adapted  to  win  the  disaf 
fected,  and  to  encourage  the  French  habitants,  who 
naturally  sympathized  with  the  Americans.  The 
commander  at  Maiden  wrote  despondently  to  Gen 
eral  Brock,  who  was  governor  in  Upper  Canada, 
and  who,  released  from  his  civil  duties,  soon  be 
came  the  inspiring  genius  and  hero  of  the  war. 
"  Hull's  invidious  proclamation,"  wrote  Brock  to 
Governor  Prevost,  "  herewith  inclosed,  has  already 
been  productive  of  considerable  effect  on  the  minds 
of  the  people.  In  fact,  a  general  sentiment  pre 
vails  that,  with  the  present  force,  resistance  is  un 
availing."1  So  widespread  was  the  despondency 
that  some  of  the  militia  in  Upper  Canada  peremp 
torily  refused  to  march,  as  many  as  five  hundred 
settlers  in  the  western  district  sought  the  protec 
tion  of  the  enemy,2  and  the  Indians  on  the  Grand 
River  refused  to  take  up  arms.  Even  Hull  was 

1  Brock  to  Prevost,   July  20,   1812.     Tupper's  Life  and  Cor 
respondence  of  Sir  Isaac  Broek,  p.  203. 

2  Ibid.  p.  204. 


70  LEWIS   CA8S. 

encouraged  to  hope  for  success,  and  continued  to 
"  look  down  "  all  opposition  with  a  masterly  inac 
tivity  which  never  deviated  into  generalship. 

Colonel  Cass  now  urged  that  the  army  move  im 
mediately  upon  Maiden,  to  take  a  position  at  least 
as  near  as  the  Canard  River,  which  was  some  five 
miles  from  the  British  fort.  But  there  were  ex 
cuses  :  more  desertions  ought  to  be  encouraged  ;  the 
Fabian  was  the  only  true  policy.  In  spite  of  the 
fact  that  comparatively  few  Indians  had  yet  joined 
the  British,  General  Hull  seemed  to  feel  that  each 
bush  concealed  a  lurking  foe,  and  that  the  proper 
plan  was  to  win  the  Indians  to  his  side  and  to  in 
spire  them  with  confidence  by  sitting  composedly  at 
Sandwich,  twenty  miles  from  the  enemy's  fort,  and 
calling  upon  his  government  for  reinforcements. 
With  only  one  exception,  not  an  aggressive  step 
was  taken  from  this  time  on,  save  at  the  earnest 
pleading  of  his  subordinate  officers.  Colonel  Mil 
ler,  with  a  few  troops,  made  an  expedition  into  the 
country,  and,  returning  with  provisions,  demon 
strated  the  weakness  of  the  enemy.  Cass,  because 
of  his  much  asking,  was  allowed  to  take  two  hun 
dred  and  eighty  men  and  push  his  way  as  near  as 
possible  to  the  enemy's  stronghold  for  the  purpose 
of  ascertaining  its  condition.  He  wanted  nothing 
better.  The  river  Tarontee,  as  the  Indians  called 
it,  which  has  generally  figured  in  history  under 
its  French  name  of  the  Canard,  is  a  stream  of 
considerable  depth,  flowing  through  low,  marshy 
ground  into  the  Detroit.  Here  a  detachment  of 


THE   WAR   OF  1812.  71 

the  enemy  was  posted,  and  here  was  fought  the 
first  battle  of  the  war.  Cass,  to  divert  the  atten 
tion  of  the  enemy,  left  a  company  of  riflemen 
near  the  bridge  which  crossed  the  stream  not  far 
from  its  mouth.  He  proceeded  with  the  rest  of 
his  troops  five  miles  up  the  stream  to  a  ford,  and 
came  down  the  left  bank.  An  impetuous  charge 
upon  the  hostile  line  threw  it  into  confusion. 
Three  times  the  British  formed,  and  were  as  often 
beaten  back.  But  night  was  falling.  Cass  recalled 
his  men  to  the  bridge,  and  sent  word  of  his  success 
to  General  Hull. 

This  first  victory  of  the  war  was  accepted 
through  the  country  as  prophetic  of  success,  and 
Cass  was  hailed  as  the  "  Hero  of  the  Tarontee."  l 
"  Hold  the  bridge,  and  begin  operations  at  once," 
was  the  eager  advice  of  the  young  officers.  But 
no  —  "  It  is  too  near  the  enemy,"  was  Hull's  reply. 
Hull  finally  said  that  Miller  and  Cass  might  use 
their  own  judgment;  they  withdrew,  for  they  in 
sisted  that  the  commanding  officer  ought  to  have  the 
responsibility.  A  withdrawal  meant  a  proclamation 
to  all  Canada  that  the  American  general  consid 
ered  himself  as  yet  too  weak  to  take  a  stand  nearer 
than  twenty  miles  from  the  enemy,  who  were  then, 
undoubtedly,  greatly  outnumbered.  The  young- 
officers  now  openly  murmured.  They  had  hardly 
expected  that  sluggishness  would  degenerate  into 
absolute  immovability.  There  is  little  reason  to 
doubt  that  from  this  time  the  feeling  of  distrust 
1  Lossing's  Field-Book  of  the  War  of  1812,  p.  265. 


72  LEWIS  CASS. 

of  their  general  steadily  increased,  until  Me  Arthur, 
Findlay,  and  Cass  actually  plotted  his  deposition 
and  the  installation  of  McArthur  as  the  command 
ing  officer.  Cass  constantly  urged  movement  and 
action,  except  on  one  occasion,  when  he  deferred  to 
the  superior  technical  wisdom  of  the  artillery  com 
manders.  In  various  skirmishes  he  showed  his 
ardor  for  the  conflict. 

General  Hull  had  charge  of  more  than  the  mili 
tary  operations  in  Upper  Canada ;  he  was,  as  well, 
governor  of  Michigan  Territory ;  yet  for  some  rea 
son,  he  took  no  step  to  announce  the  outbreak  of 
hostilities  to  the  American  garrison  at  Mackinaw, 
and  the  first  announcement  they  received  was  the 
summons  to  surrender,  accentuated  by  the  frown 
ing  muzzles  of  British  artillery,  which  had  been 
cleverly  placed  to  command  the  fort  at  the  weak 
est  point.  Of  course  the  island  was  surrendered, 
and  a  post  which  might  have  retained  a  controlling 
influence  over  the  northern  Indians  was  turned 
over  to  the  British.  This  has  been  attributed  to 
the  criminal  remissness  or  imbecility  of  the  Secre 
tary  of  War.1  But  the  truth  of  this  assertion  is 
no  justification  for  Governor  Hull's  failure  to  put 
himself  into  communication  with  the  different  por 
tions  of  his  territory.  The  army  in  Canada  was 
now  distracted,  restless,  grumbling.  The  general 
had  no  confidence  in  himself  or  in  others,  and  the 
fall  of  Mackinaw  took  away  even  that  which  he 
had.  Hourly  the  northern  Indians  might  appear 

1  Lossing's  Pictorial  Field-Book  of  the  War  of  1812,  p.  271. 


THE   WAR   OF  1812.  73 

!  upon  the  scene,  and  Hull  was  borne  down  with  a 
dread  of  their  barbarous  warfare. 

Colonel  Proctor  arrived  at  Fort  Maiden  with 
some  reinforcements,  and  an  aggressive  warfare  on 
the  part  of  the  English  began.  Word  was  re 
ceived  that  the  provisions  and  men  for  which  Hull 
had  been  calling  had  been  sent  forward  by  Gov 
ernor  Meigs,  and  were  at  the  River  Raisin.  Cap 
tain  Brush,  who  was  in  command  of  these  rein 
forcements,  asked  for  an  escort;  for  the  British 
could  easily  cross  the  river  and  intercept  him  on 
his  way  to  Detroit.  Hull  hesitated.  But  the 
Ohio  colonels  forced  him  into  compliance.  An 
inadequate  force  was  then  sent  under  Major  Van 
Horn.  They  were  repulsed  with  loss,  and  Hull's 
mail  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  British  authorities. 
Again  Cass  and  the  other  colonels  said :  "  Send  five 
hundred  men  to  escort  Brush  to  Detroit."  "  I  can 
only  spare  a  hundred,"  :  replied  Hull  from  behind 
his  defenses  at  Sandwich.  At  length,  on  August 
7th,  stung  into  motion  by  the  insistence2  of  his 
subordinates,  he  announced  a  general  and  immedi 
ate  attack  on  the  British  fort.  The  army  were 
joyfully  engaged  in  active  preparations  when  Hull 
summoned  his  officers  and  told  them  that  he  had 
decided  to  recross  to  Detroit,  and  on  August  8th 
the  army  slunk  back  to  its  own  territory  disheart 
ened,  mutinous,  and  surly.  Another  force,  under 

1  Lossing,  p.  277. 

2  Forbes's  Report  of  Trial  of  Brigadier-General  William  Hull, 
p.  57- 


74  LEWIS   CAS8. 

Colonel  Miller,  was  sent  down  the  river  to  escort 
Captain  Brush.  When  they  had  completed  about 
half  the  distance  to  the  Raisin,  a  deadly  fire  was 
opened  upon  them  from  Indians  and  English  in 
ambush.  The  men  responded  gallantly  to  Colonel 
Miller's  "  Charge !  boys,  charge  !  "  and  one  of  the 
most  brilliant  engagements  of  the  war  resulted  in 
a  victory  for  the  Americans.  But  the  victory  had 
to  be  followed  up,  or  Proctor  would  hurry  across 
from  Maiden  with  more  troops ;  for  he  well  knew 
that  Hull  had  given  up  all  idea  of  offensive  action. 
Colonel  Miller  reported  his  success,  and  asked  for 
provisions.  He  had  been  injured  by  a  fall  from 
his  horse,  but  he  did  not  ask  to  be  recalled.  On 
the  way  to  Detroit  his  messenger  met  Colonel  Cass, 
and  that  officer,  learning  of  Miller's  condition, 
added  the  following  characteristic  dispatch  :  "  Sir, 
Colonel  Miller  is  sick ;  may  I  relieve  him  ?  L. 
Cass."  But  the  eagerness  of  Cass  and  the 
bravery  of  Miller  must  go  for  naught.  Miller 
was  immediately  ordered  back  to  Detroit,  while  the 
general  contented  himself  with  lamenting  that  the 
blood  of  seventy-five  men  had  been  shed  in  vain.2 

The  colonels  now  seriously  thought  of  deposing  3 
their  general ;  but  they  finally  agreed  that  Gov 
ernor  Meigs  should  hasten  to  Detroit  with  assist- 

1  Lossing's  Field  Book  of  the  War  of  1812,  p.  282.     The  only 
authority  I  can  find  for  statement  in  the  text. 

2  Armstrong's  Notices  of  the  War  of  1812,  vol.  i.  p.  30. 

3  A  Chapter  of  the  War  of  1812,  William  Stanley  Hatch,  p.  40, 
and  other  references ;  Letter  of  Cass  to  Secretary  of  War,  Sep 
tember  10,  1812. 


THE   WAR   OF  1812.  75 

ance,  and  they  hoped  that  he  would  accept  the 
command.  Cass  at  once  wrote  a  cautious  letter  to 
the  governor,  hinting  at  Hull's  incompetence,  and 
stating  that  Maiden  might  have  fallen,  but  that 
the  "  golden  opportunity  "  had  passed.  Before  the 
letter  was  signed  the  following  significant  post 
script  was  added  :  "  Believe  all  the  bearer  will  tell 
you.  Believe  it,  however  it  may  astonish  you,  as 

much  as  if  told  by  one  of  us.  Even  a  C is 

talked  of  by  the  .  The  bearer  will  fill  the 

vacancy."  l 

Brock,  a  general  of  dash,  vigor,  and  wonderful 
self-confidence,  now  arrived  at  Maiden.  A  few  regu 
lars  and  nearly  three  hundred  militia  2  accompanied 
him.  The  numbers  of  the  Indians  had  lately  in 
creased  somewhat,  although  none  of  the  northern 
Indians  appeared  at  Detroit  until  some  time  after 
the  catastrophe  of  this  serio-comic  drama.  Brock 
erected  a  battery  where  it  might  effectually  play 
upon  the  American  fort.  But  no  attempt  was 
made  to  prevent  the  erection  of  this  work  or  to 
drive  the  enemy  from  it ;  General  Hull,  with  admi 
rable  sententiousness,  replied  to  Captain  Dalliby, 
who  asked  permission  to  open  fire  upon  them: 
"  Mr.  Dalliby,  I  will  make  an  agreement  with  the 
enemy  that,  if  they  will  never  fire  on  me,  I  will 
never  fire  on  them.  Those  who  live  in  glass  houses 
must  not  throw  stones." 

Events  now  hurried  to  a  crisis.    On  August  14th 

1  Niles's  Register,  vol.  iii.  p.  39. 

2  Life  of  Brock,  p.  335. 


76  LEWIS   CASS. 

McArthur  and  Cass  with  three  hundred  and  fifty 
men  were  sent  as  an  escort  to  Captain  Brush,  who 
had  determined  to  find  his  way  to  Detroit  by  a 
trail  which  ran  some  thirty  miles  back  from  the 
river.  These  young  officers  were  becoming  alto 
gether  too  restless,  and  might  be  seriously  thinking 
of  mutiny,  or,  more  terrible  still,  of  fighting !  On 
August  15th  Brock  sent  Hull  the  following  letter : 
"  The  force  at  my  disposal  authorizes  me  to  require 
of  you  the  immediate  surrender  of  Detroit.  It  is 
far  from  my  inclination  to  join  you  in  a  war  of 
extermination  ;  but  you  must  be  aware  that  the 
numerous  body  of  Indians,  who  have  attached 
themselves  to  my  troops,  will  be  beyond  my  control 
the  moment  the  contest  commences.  You  will  find 
me  disposed  to  enter  into  such  conditions  as  will 
satisfy  the  most  scrupulous  sense  of  honor.  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  McDonell  and  Major  Glegg  are  fully 
authorized  to  conclude  any  arrangement  that  may 
lead  to  prevent  the  unnecessary  effusion  of  blood."  l 
Hull  detained  the  messenger  some  two  hours,  and 
then  returned  an  answer  fairly  bristling  with  defi 
ance. 

HEADQUARTERS,  DETROIT,  August  15,  1812. 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  this  date.  I  have  no 
other  reply  to  make  than  to  inform  you  that  I  am  pre 
pared  to  meet  any  force  which  may  be  at  your  disposal, 
and  any  consequences  which  may  result  from  any  exer 
tion  of  it  you  may  think  proper  to  make.2 

I  am,  etc.,  .  .  .  WILLIAM  HULL,  etc. 

1  Tupper's  Life  of  Brock,  p.  231 ;  Hull's  Memoirs,  p.  95. 
-  Hull's  Memoirs,  p.  96. 


THE   WAR   OF  1812.  77 

Immediately  the  British  guns  opened  on  Detroit, 
and  the  American  guns  replied.  Some  damage 
was  done  to  the  frail  structures  of  the  town,  which 
was  beginning  to  present  a  spectacle  demoralizing 
and  pitiful.  The  people  of  the  neighborhood  had 
crowded  into  the  place  for  protection.  Trembling 
women  and  bewildered  children  pleaded  by  their 
presence  for  a  bold  stand  against  Indian  cruelty 
and  vengeance.  All  had  lost  confidence  in  their 
obsolete  general,  and  he,  tenderhearted  and  com 
passionate,  was  overwhelmed  with  dread  and  op 
pressed  with  responsibility.  Occasionally  the  old 
Revolutionary  spirit  awakened  within  him,  but  it 
was  generally  smothered  by  the  kindly  weakness 
and  hesitancy  which  prompted  to  pity  and  ended 
in  cruel  inactivity. 

The  quiet,  beautiful  Sabbath  morning  of  August 
16th  was  rudely  disturbed  by  the  booming  of  the 
British  cannon.  Again  were  pictured  forth  to  the 
general's  mind  awful  scenes  of  Indian  atrocities, 
the  unspeakable  horrors  of  the  tomahawk  and 
scalping-knife.  His  memory  of  border  tales  and 
fables  furnished  food  to  his  greedy  imagination. 
"  My  God  !  "  he  exclaimed,  "  what  shall  I  do  with 
these  women  and  children  ?  "  On  the  ground,  with 
his  back  toward  the  wall  of  the  fort,  his  face  white 
from  fear,  save  where  it  was  defiled  with  tobacco 
juice,  which  he  nervously  rubbed  over  his  face 
or  allowed  to  drop  and  ornament  his  ruffled  shirt, 
sat  the  poor  old  general  of  the  northwestern  army, 
who  had  come  to  "  look  down  opposition,  not  to 


78  LEWIS    CA8S. 

fight  it."  1  The  enemy  cross  the  river ;  not  a  shot 
from  American  guns  or  cannon  threatens  them. 
They  march  toward  Detroit  along  a  narrow  road, 
where  a  well-posted  battery  can  shatter  their  lines. 
Not  a  gun  is  fired  to  check  them  ;  but  a  ball  from 
the  battery  at  Sandwich  takes  effect  in  the  fort; 
women  are  carried  away  senseless  ;  men  are  killed, 
and  a  white  flag  flutters  over  the  bastions  of  the 
American  defenses. 

That  was  the  end  of  the  "  proclamatory  "  inva 
sion  of  Canada.  Cass  and  McArthur  were  hurry 
ing  back,  hoping  to  reach  the  fort  before  there  was 
any  real  danger,  or  to  attack  the  enemy  in  the  rear 
if  he  was  on  the  American  side  of  the  river.  But 
the  white  flag  had  spiked  the  British  guns,  and,  as 
they  neared  Detroit,  not  a  cannon  shot  awakened 
the  echoes  to  summon  them  to  action.  They  soon 
found  that  Hull  had  included  them  and  their  force 
in  his  capitulation,  without  giving  them  a  chance 
to  escape.  Cass,  exasperated  beyond  endurance, 
snapped  his  sword  in  twain,  rather  than  disgrace 
himself  by  its  surrender.  "  Basely  to  surrender 
without  firing  a  gun  !  "  he  moaned  in  mingled  anger 
and  chagrin.  "  Tamely  to  submit  without  raising 
a  bayonet ! "  Even  Brush  and  his  men  were  in 
cluded  in  the  surrender  at  Hull's  own  instance. 
For  forty  years  to  come  Detroit  citizens  could  not 
remember  the  occurrence  without  flushing  with 
mortification.  Hull  did  not  have  the  courage  of 
brave  Croghan,  who,  with  his  little  garrison  sur- 

1    Wars  of  the  Gulls. 


THE   WAR   OF  1812.  79 

rounded  by  thirty  times  its  numbers,  answered  a 
summons  to  surrender  with  the  reply,  "  When  the 
fort  shall  be  taken  there  will  be  none  to  massacre." 
On  this  sad  16th  of  August  a  band  of  Kentucky 
volunteers,  collected  to  reinforce  Hull,  were  listen 
ing  at  Georgetown  to  the  eloquence  of  Clay,  who 
pictured  in  joyful  anticipation  the  capture  of  Mai 
den  and  the  conquest  of  Upper  Canada. 

It  is  difficult  to  ascertain  with  exactness  the 
number  of  the  men  surrendered  or  of  those  com 
manded  by  Brock.  Hull  estimated  his  own  effect 
ive  force  at  less  than  1,000,*  Cass  at  1,060,2  not 
including  either  the  300  Michigan  militia  on  duty 
or  the  detachment  sent  to  meet  Brush.  Brock,  in 
toxicated  with  success,  reports  the  capture  of  2,500 
men.3  This  was  undoubtedly  an  exaggeration. 
His  own  men,  however,  aggregated,  according  to 
his  own  report,  1,330,  including  600  Indians.  Pos 
sibly  he  underestimated,  for  his  own  glorification, 
the  number  of  his  savage  allies.  To  an  inferior 
besieging  force,  for  the  Indians  are  notoriously 
useless  in  attacking  a  fortress,  Hull  surrendered 
with  such  indecent  speed  that  he  made  no  provision 
for  the  Canadians  who  had  deserted  to  him,  nor  for 
the  men  who  were  with  him  and  had  been  eager 
to  fight  by  his  side. 

The  same  mad  horror  of  Indian  outrages  had 

1  Hull's  Memoirs;  Clarke's  History  of  the  Campaign  of  1812, 
etc.,  p.  386. 

2  Niles's  Register,  p.  38 ;  Cass's  Letter  to  the  Secretary  of  War ; 
IMVs  Trial,  Appendix  No.  II.  p.  27. 

3  Tupper's  Life  of  Brock,  p.  247. 


80  LEWIS   CASS. 

influenced  him  to  send  orders  for  the  evacuation  of 
Fort  Dearborn,  where  Chicago  now  stands,  and  in 
spite  of  the  intercession  of  those  who  realized  the 
danger,  Captain  Heald  obeyed  the  order,  withdrew 
his  garrison  and  the  families  from  the  fort,  and 
began  the  long,  dreary  march  to  Detroit.  They 
knew  that  they  were  marching  to  their  doom, 
and  as  they  left  their  fort,  where  they  might  per 
haps  have  remained  in  safety  until  reinforcements 
came,  their  little  military  band  is  said  to  have 
struck  up  the  Dead  March  in  Saul.  It  was  at 
least  appropriate.  Men,  women,  and  children  were 
murdered  in  a  desperate  conflict,  scarcely  any  es 
caping  to  relate  to  what  extent  Hull's  order  for 
evacuation  had  saved  bloodshed  at  Chicago. 

One  problem  remains  to  be  examined :  how  to 
account  for  Brock's  rash  attack  upon  a  strong  for 
tress  defended  by  a  superior  force.  The  answer 
has  been  already  suggested.  He  discovered  Hull's 
trepidation,  was  sure  that  his  opponent  was  weak, 
faltering,  and  despondent.  He  thus  exultingly 
wrote  to  his  brothers  on  September  3d :  — 

Some  say  that  nothing  could  be  more  desperate  than 
the  measure  ;  but  I  answer  that  the  state  of  the  province 
admitted  of  nothing  but  desperate  remedies.  I  got  pos 
session  of  the  letters  of  my  antagonist  addressed  to  the 
Secretary  at  War,  and  also  of  the  sentiments  which  hun 
dreds  of  his  army  uttered  to  their  friends.  ...  It  is 
therefore  no  wonder  that  envy  should  attribute  to  good 
fortune  what,  in  justice  to  my  own  discernment,  I  must 


THE   WAR   OF  1812.  81 

say  proceeded  from  a  cool  calculation  of  the  pours  and 
centres.1 

The  soldiers  were  paroled,  and  went,  shamefaced 
and  angry,  to  their  homes.  Hull  was  taken  to 
Montreal,  but  was  released  by  his  crafty  captors, 
in  hopes  that  his  loud  laments  over  the  imbecility 
of  the  administration  might  heighten  disaffection. 
Cass,  paroled,  under  Colonel  McArthur's  orders, 
hastened  to  Washington,  and  made  a  report  to 
the  Secretary  of  War,  which,  full  of  indignation 
and  disgust,  was  yet  a  fair  statement  of  the  dis 
astrous  incompetence  of  the  general.  The  peo 
ple  were  wild  with  excitement,  and  poured  out 
abuse  on  all  concerned  in  the  childish  totterings  of 
the  campaign.  The  administration  and  its  feeble 
generals,  quite  willing  to  secure  a  victim  for  the 
sacrifice,  led  Hull,  complaining,  to  the  altar.  A 
prejudiced  court-martial,  which,  however,  arrived 
at  a  just  verdict,  met  at  Albany  in  January,  1814. 
Major-general  Dearborn,  whose  considerate  and 
peaceful  mode  of  warfare  had  prevented  him  from 
making  a  diversion  in  Hull's  favor,  sat  as  presi 
dent,  and  Martin  Van  Buren,  then  rising  to  full 
fame,  with  political  shrewdness  and  legal  lore 
mixed  in  scarcely  equal  proportions,  appeared  as 
special  judge  advocate.  Cass  was  the  first  witness. 
His  testimony  was  convincing  and  overwhelming, 
and  was  corroborated  by  that  of  McArthur  and 
others.  Yet  his  statements  have  been  attributed 
to  sinister  motives.  He  has  been  charged  with 

1  Tupper's  Life  of  Brock. 


82  LEWIS   CASS. 

duplicity  as  a  tool  of  the  administration,  although 
it  is  perfectly  evident  that  his  enmity  towards  Hull 
began  in  those  dreary  lazy  days  in  Canada,  when 
Hull's  energy  was  absorbed  in  summoning  councils 
and  discovering  excuses  for  fatal  delay.  A  letter 
written  by  Cass  to  his  brother-in-law,  Silliman,  a 
few  days  before  the  surrender,  introduced  by  Hull 
to  prove  the  inconsistency  of  his  accuser,  has  been 
forced  to  carry  that  burden  even  by  later  writers. 
But  a  fair  interpretation  will  show  neither  inconsis 
tency  nor  equivocation. 

The  court  found  General  Hull  guilty  of  cow 
ardice  and  neglect  of  duty,  and  sentenced  him  to 
be  shot.  Madison,  tempering  justice  with  mercy, 
approved  the  sentence,  but  remitted  its  execution, 
out  of  respect  for  the  past  services  of  one  who,  as 
a  boy  fresh  from  college,  entered  the  patriot  army 
immediately  after  Lexington,  fought  with  cool  and 
fearless  energy,  endured  sufferings  and  fatigues 
with  noble  cheerfulness,  and  received  acknowledg 
ments  of  faithfulness  from  Washington  himself. 
His  last  years  were  spent  in  comfort,  but  not  in 
luxury.  Presiding  with  simple  unaffectedness  at 
the  "  bounteous  Thanksgiving  dinner,"  or  watch 
ing  his  merry  grandchildren  dancing  in  time  to  the 
music  "of  old  Tillo's  fiddle,"1  he  was  much  nearer 
his  proper  occupation  than  when  commanding  a 
rough,  boisterous,  backwoods  army  in  a  dangerous 
and  important  campaign. 

1  Memorial  and  Biographical  Sketches,  James  Freeman  Clarke, 
p.  439. 


THE   WAR   OF  1812.  83 

In  December,  1812,  Cass  was  appointed  major- 
general  in  the  Ohio  militia,  but  he  was  not  yet 
exchanged,  and  was  prevented  by  his  parole  from 
entering  into  active  service.  In  January  the  Pres 
ident  determined  to  raise  two  regiments  of  reg 
ular  troops  in  Ohio,  and  Cass,  instructed  to  raise 
one,  was  appointed  a  colonel  in  the  army,  February 
20, 1813.1  His  parole  was  removed  about  the  mid 
dle  of  January,  and  he  then  proceeded  with  his 
task.  Ohio  and  Kentucky  were  furious  at  the 
defeat  and  surrender  of  Hull.  A  perfect  tidal 
wave  of  patriotism  and  resentment  swept  over  these 
states,  and  Cass  had  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  his 
quota  of  men.  The  government,  oonfiding  in  his 
fidelity  and  energy,  now  made  him  brigadier-gen 
eral  2  in  the  regular  army,  to  act  under  Major-gen 
eral  Harrison  in  the  West. 

In  January,  1813,  General  Winchester  had 
marched  toward  Detroit  with  a  fine  army  of  stal 
wart  Kentuckians,  the  foremost  young  men  in  the 
State,  who  were  burning  to  avenge  the  surrender 
of  Detroit,  and  to  give  a  sound  whipping  to  the 
Indians,  whose  successful  insolence  was  maddening 
to  a  Kentucky  pioneer.  The  massacre  at  the  River 
Raisin  was  the  sad  end  of  their  hopes.  Robbing, 
plundering,  murdering,  scalping,  vile  mutilations, 
barbarities  too  horrible  to  mention,  followed  the 
fall  of  the  brave  Kentuckians,  who  had  come  so 
full  of  eager  pride  and  bravery.  From  that  time 

1  Records  of  War  Department. 

2  March  12th.     Records  of  War  Department. 


84  LEWIS   CA8S. 

to  the  battle  of  the  Thames  the  Indians,  unre 
strained  by  the  infamous  Proctor,  were  a  continual 
menace  to  the  whole  territory  of  Michigan.  Their 
cruelties  were  constant.  Property  was  wasted  or 
destroyed ;  everywhere  were  confusion,  misery,  and 
fear.1 

General  Cass  was  actively  engaged  in  the  cam 
paign  of  1813.  He  was,  as  before,  energetic  and 
hopeful,  a  strong  support  for  General  Harrison,  who 
relied  upon  his  advice  and  trusted  in  his  wisdom. 
They  worked  well  together.  After  yearh  found 
Cass  a  courageous  defender  of  the  "  Hero  of  Tip- 
pecanoe,"  when  political  scribblers  fought  the  bat 
tles  over  again,  and  sought  to  prove  the  victor  a 
slovenly  child  of  fortune.  Some  manoauvrings  in 
the  neighborhood  of  Sandusky  were  without  impor 
tance  to  the  main  body  of  the  army,  though  ren 
dered  famous  by  Croghan's  courageous  defense  of 
his  fort.  On  September  10th  Commodore  Perry 
sent  Harrison  his  famous  laconic,  "  We  have  met 
the  enemy,  and  they  are  ours."  The  victorious 
fleet  at  once  conveyed  Harrison  to  Canada.  In 
spite  of  the  taunts  of  Tecumseh,  who  likened  the 
retreating  general  to  a  "  fat  dog  that  drops  his  tail 
between  his  legs  and  runs  off,"  Proctor  aban 
doned  Maiden  and  retreated  to  the  interior.  He  was 
pursued  and  defeated  at  the  battle  of  the  Thames. 

1  Michigan  Pioneer  Collection,  vol.  iv.  p.  320 ;  Wisconsin  His 
torical  Collection,  vol.  iii.  p.  318,  Witherell's  Reminiscences  ;  Niles's 
Register,  vol.  i.  p.  91,  giving  Judge  Woodward's  letter  to  General 
Proctor ;  Barbarities  of  the  Enemy,  A  Report  of  the  Committee 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  (1813),  Troy,  1813. 


THE  WAR  OF  1812.  85 

"  Kentuckians,  remember  the  River  Raisin !  "  was 
the  inspiring  battle-cry.  Tecumseh,  a  braver  and 
abler  general  than  his  white  chief,  was  there  killed 
by  Colonel  R.  M.  Johnson.  Only  a  small  portion 
of  Cass's  command  was  present  at  this  fight.  He 
acted,  therefore,  as  aide-de-camp  to  General  Harri 
son,  and  was  rewarded  with  a  complimentary  notice 
of  his  services  in  the  general's  report  to  the  Secre 
tary  of  War. 


CHAPTER  IV. 
GOVERNOR   OF   MICHIGAN   TERRITORY. 

THE  battle  of  the  Thames  secured  the  North 
west  to  the  Americans.  General  Harrison,  desiring 
to  cooperate  with  our  army  in  eastern  Canada  and 
New  York,  left  the  command  of  Detroit  and  the 
subjugated  portion  of  western  Canada  to  General 
Cass.  The  situation  was  not  a  simple  one.  The 
Indians,  excited  by  the  bloodshed  and  pillage  of 
the  preceding  winter  and  spring,  were  restless  and 
a  constant  menace  to  the  little  village  and  the 
people  of  the  whole  region,  which  was  already  deso 
lated  by  the  war.  On  October  29th  the  President 
appointed  Cass  governor  of  Michigan  Territory. 
He  prepared  at  once  to  assume  the  arduous  duties 
of  his  new  office.  During  a  portion  of  the  succeed 
ing  winter  he  attended  the  trial  of  Hull  at  Albany, 
where  he  was  the  chief  witness.  With  the  excep 
tion  of  some  such  temporary  absences  as  this,  he 
was  continually  resident  in  the  Territory  for  the 
next  eighteen  years,  giving  to  its  people  the  energy 
of  his  young  manhood  and  vigorous  middle  age, 
and  inseparably  connecting  his  name  with  the  found 
ation  and  progress  of  Michigan  and  the  develop 
ment  of  the  Northwest. 


GOVERNOR   OF  MICHIGAN  TERRITORY.          87 

Life  at  the  frontier  post  was  occasionally  ro 
mantic,  but  never  free  from  grave  responsibility 
and  anxiety.  At  the  outset  duties  pressed  upon 
him  in  battalions.  Although  General  Harrison 
had  concluded  an  armistice  with  the  greater  portion 
of  tribes,  many  hostile  Indians  were  still  in  the 
neighborhood,  and  must  be  kept  in  subjection.  The 
homeless  fugitives,  robbed  of  their  all  by  the  hire 
lings  of  Proctor,  needed  protection  and  support. 
Detroit,  itself  in  confusion  and  anarchy,  demanded 
the  careful,  firm,  and  kind  hand  of  friendly  au 
thority.  Through  the  whole  winter  of  1813-14 
Michigan  Territory  was  in  a  pitiful  condition.  The 
poor  people  from  the  Raisin  district,  whose  houses 
had  been  burned  or  left  in  desolation,  without  food 
or  means  to  obtain  it,  hovered,  clamoring,  in  the 
village  where  the  young  governor  was  expected  to 
turn  the  stones  into  bread.  The  lives  of  the  French 
people  had  been  spared  by  the  Indians  because  of 
the  general  friendliness  between  the  two  races,  but 
the  hungry  savages  had  killed  their  cattle,  carried 
off  the  fruit  from  the  orchards,  burnt  the  fences 
and  the  floors  of  the  houses,  and  left  the  habitant 
in  the  direst  destitution.  Above  all,  many  Indians, 
no  longer  supplied  from  the  train-bands  of  the 
British  army,  were  themselves  thrown  on  the  mercy 
and  humanity  of  the  Americans.  The  public  stores 
were  used  to  drive  away  actual  starvation ;  but  so 
great  was  the  want  and  poverty  that  a  petition  for 
help  was  sent  to  Washington ;  in  response  to  which 
the  President  asked  Congress  for  a  special  appro 
priation. 


88  LEWIS   CASS. 

Nothing  can  be  said  in  exaggeration  of  the  deso 
late  state  of  Michigan  for  about  two  years  after  its 
recovery  by  the  Americans.  The  French  at  the 
River  Raisin,  who,  with  all  their  ignorance  of  farm 
ing,  had  had  comfortable  cabins,  as  well  as  fields 
and  orchards  which  supplied  their  humble  wants, 
were  reduced  to  such  penury  on  their  return  to 
their  farms  that  even  very  meagre  food  was  ob 
tained  with  difficulty.  They  lacked  the  nervous 
tension  and  vigor  which  tones  up  the  American 
pioneer  to  resist  expected  danger  and  surmount 
difficulties.  Light-hearted  and  cheerful  in  all 
ordinary  trials,  their  easy-going  dispositions,  their 
unfamiliarity  with  the  common  devices  which  neces 
sity  begets  in  the  frontier  life  of  the  inventive 
Yankee,  their  content  with  the  past,  and  faith  in 
the  unearned  blessings  of  the  future,  kept  them 
penniless  and  breadless  when  keener  intelligence 
might  have  lifted  them  above  want.  The  settlers 
near  Detroit  were  in  woeful  straits,  but  everything 
seems  to  show  that  the  French  of  the  River  Raisin 
were  more  ignorant  and  less  thrifty  than  the  habi 
tant  to  the  north,  and  upon  them  had  come  the 
extreme  cruelty  and  destruction  of  the  war.  Cass 
worked  for  his  hungry  Territory  with  untiring  vigi 
lance,  distributing  largesses  from  the  public  stores, 
calling  upon  the  government  for  aid,  organizing 
and  instructing  with  zeal  and  energy.  No  portion 
of  his  career  is  more  worthy  of  admiration  than 
this,  when  his  direst  enemies  were  anarchy  and 
hunger.  A  true  picture  of  the  governorship  of 


GOVERNOR   OF  MICHIGAN  TERRITORY.          89 

Cass  and  the  early  history  of  the  reclaimed  Terri 
tory  will  be  shaded  into  its  proper  depth  of  color 
by  a  remembrance  of  the  peculiar  trials  attending 
them. 

Besides  the  general  poverty  and  distress  of  the 
Territory,  other  dangers  confronted  the  people  of 
the  "  double  frontier."  When  the  Indians,  threat 
ened  by  starvation,  were  not  praying  for  sustenance 
at  the  hands  of  the  authorities,  they  seem  to  have 
been  satisfying  their  hatred  of  the  "  big  knives," 
as  they  called  the  Americans,  by  unexpected  at 
tacks  upon  them  and  their  property.  They  be 
leaguered  the  little  village,  pillaging,  murdering, 
and  scalping  in  the  ruthless  fashion  which  they  had 
adopted  under  Proctor's  tender  instruction.  Cass 
felt  that  his  great  task  was  to  restore  confidence  to 
the  cowering  people,  to  induce  them  to  return  to 
their  homes,  and  to  begin  again  their  peaceful  lives. 
As  a  first  step  to  this  end,  he  decided  that  these 
annoyances  from  the  savages  must  cease.  A  bold 
attack  upon  the  Indians  seemed  the  most  satisfac 
tory  method  of  procedure ;  and,  successful  in  that, 
a  stockade  might  be  built  and  block-houses  reared 
at  the  expense  of  the  general  government,  to  pro 
tect  the  frontier  and  overawe  the  red  men.  In 
September,  1814,  the  settlement  was  in  especial 
danger  from  these  marauding  bands,  and  the  young 
men  of  the  village  organized  for  an  attack.  Gen 
eral  Cass  led  the  little  company  into  a  bloody 
skirmish,  in  which  the  Indians  were  beaten.  Dur 
ing  the  whole  affair  Cass  displayed  that  calm  ignor- 


90  LEWIS   CASS. 

ing  of  danger  which  was  so  characteristic  of  him, 
and  which  powerfully  influenced  the  impressionable 
savage.  Riding  at  the  head  of  his  men,  he  was  ad 
vised  by  one  of  his  company,  Major  Whipple,  to 
fall  back  to  the  centre,  as,  should  he  be  killed,  it- 
might  create  confusion ;  but  he  answered,  "  Oh, 
major,  I  am  pretty  well  off  here ;  let  us  push  on." 
Various  sallies  of  this  character  upon  the  Indians 
skulking  along  the  river  soon  freed  the  people  of 
their  more  abject  fear.  All  had  confidence  in  their 
young  governor,  and  willingly  followed  him  into 
any  danger.  "  His  constant,  unremitting  vigilance, 
and  energetic  conduct  saved  our  people  from  many 
of  the  horrors  of  war,  and  he  was  sustained  by  our 
habitants" l 

The  savages  had  rendered  the  British  such  effi 
cient  service  that  in  1814  our  government  strove  to 
obtain  like  aid.  Possibly  we  can  plead  in  justifi 
cation  that  this  was  merely  a  defensive  measure, 
but  we  cannot  deny  the  fact.  July  22,  1814,  Gen 
eral  Harrison  and  Governor  Cass  met  in  council 
with  a  number  of  Indians  at  Greenville,  Ohio,  and 
there  entered  into  an  agreement  in  which  the  In 
dians  promised  assistance,  and  the  commissioners 
pledged  protection.  Cass  returned  to  Detroit,  ac 
companied  by  a  band  which  became  personally  at 
tached  to  him.  Fortunately  his  influence  over 
them  was  so  great  that  the  disgraceful  scenes  of 
Proctor's  occupation  were  not  repeated.  The  use 
of  savages  in  civilized  warfare  is  inexcusable ;  but 

1  Witherell's  Reminiscences,  Wisconsin  Hist.  Col.  vol.  iii.  p.  324. 


GOVERNOR  OF  MICHIGAN  TERRITORY.          91 

in  this  case  the  disastrous  consequences  were  re 
duced  to  a  minimum. 

In  spite  of  the  successful  vigor  of  Cass,  his  sit 
uation  was  perilous  and  anxious  until  the  close  of 
the  war.  Having  resigned  his  military  commis 
sion  April  6,  1814,1  he  found  himself  in  the  anom 
alous  position  of  bearing  responsibility  unassisted 
by  the  requisite  authority.  The  few  United  States 
troops  that  had  been  left  at  Detroit  objected  to 
receiving  commands  from  a  civil  officer ;  the  con 
stant  presence  of  threatening  Indians,  and  the 
disordered  condition  of  the  defenses  of  the  town 
called  for  action  in  preparation  for  a  possible  recur 
rence  of  the  events  of  1812.  Should  our  army 
prove  ineffective  in  the  East,  or  should  affairs  in 
Europe  suddenly  take  a  different  turn,  Detroit 
might  again,  in  an  instant,  become  a  salient  point 
and  a  position  of  great  strategic  importance.  A 
letter  of  August  13th,  from  the  Secretary  of  War, 
authorized  the  governor,  in  the  absence  of  a  general 
officer,  to  take  command  of  all  the  forces  at  De 
troit  in  case  of  attack.  But  with  such  half-hearted 
trust  he  was  not  content.  All  save  a  very  few 
troops  were  bravely  sent  to  the  East  to  assist  the 
movement  of  our  army  on  the  Niagara  frontier, 
and  he  was  obliged  to  rely  mainly  on  the  volunteer 
services  of  the  weary  and  pillaged  inhabitants  of 
the  Territory.  Even  in  these  straits  he  did  not 
stand  all  the  day  idle,  complaining  of  his  helpless 
ness  ;  but  with  his  "  pet  Indians  "  he  gave  material 

1  Records  of  War  Department. 


92  LEWIS   CASS. 

aid  in  the  progress  of  the  war  by  making  feints 
against  the  Canadian  inhabitants  and  property  in 
the  eastern  portion  of  Upper  Canada.  He  asserted, 
however,  in  his  communications  to  the  War  De 
partment,  that  should  a  general  attack  be  made  by 
the  British  forces,  he  should  retire  from  the  Terri 
tory,  unaided  as  he  was  by  the  militia  from  the 
south,  which  he  had  had  every  reason  to  expect. 
Amid  all  these  troubles  and  anxieties,  the  work  of 
bringing  order  and  tranquillity  into  the  disordered 
Territory  went  bravely  on. 

Peace  came  to  a  jubilant  country  before  another 
campaign  brought  its  load  of  mingled  victory  and 
defeat.  Men  wept  in  each  other's  arms  in  joy  that 
the  war  was  over,  —  a  war  conducted  with  neither 
energy  nor  skill,  and  concluded  by  a  treaty  that 
was  little  more  than  an  armistice,  settling  none  of 
the  questions  for  which  we  had  blustered  into  the 
war,  with  our  armor  rusty  and  our  flintlocks  out  of 
repair.  Our  victories  on  the  sea  had,  however, 
beaten  into  our  opponents  a  modicum  of  respect 
for  us.  Now,  at  last,  to  the  happy  people  the  sky 
seemed  spanned  by  a  bow  of  promise,  —  no  more 
impressments,  no  more  highway  robbery  of  men 
and  goods  from  well-behaving  neutrals.  The  pot 
of  gold  at  the  foot  of  this  rainbow  did  not,  how 
ever,  lie  in  the  neighborhood  of  Detroit.  Peace 
for  a  moment  shed  its  warming  rays  into  that  des 
olate  country ;  but  it  served  only  to  render  more 
visible  the  havoc  of  the  war,  and  to  show  the  im 
mensity  of  the  task  of  restoring  prosperity  and 


GOVERNOR   OF  MICHIGAN  TERRITORY.         93 

confidence  and  of  raising  the  Territory  into  a  self- 
sustaining  portion  of  the  country. 

The  work  of  General  Cass's  governorship  natu 
rally  divides  itself  into  a  series  of  undertakings, 
which  clearly  present  themselves  as  one  glances 
back  over  the  period,  and  the  importance  of  which 
he,  at  the  time,  fully  realized.  By  his  apprecia 
tion  of  the  peculiar  duties  laid  upon  him,  he  made 
them  more  distinct,  and  gave  to  his  administration 
a  singular  completeness  and  unity.  His  greatest 
problem,  embracing  or  touching  all  the  rest,  was 
to  convert  the  French  settlement,  at  present  tor 
tured  by  actual  want  and,  at  its  best,  defenseless, 
foreign,  and  slow,  into  an  active  American  commu 
nity,  prosperous  and  progressive  in  peace,  capable 
of  self-defense  in  war,  a  real  buckler  to  that  North 
west  which  never  ceased  to  tempt  the  covetous 
eyes  of  the  English.  Michigan  must  be  Ameri 
canized  and  colonized  ;  its  strategic  value  must  be 
estimated  aright  and  its  physical  charms  displayed  ; 
the  whole  Northwest  must  be  so  protected  and 
guided  that  the  tide  of  immigration  which  had  set 
in  over  its  southeastern  border  would  encounter  no 
wall  in  its  onward  sweep,  until  it  had  carried  the 
schoolhouse  and  the  newspaper  into  the  farthest 
corner  of  that  land  where  the  Jesuit  had,  a  century 
before,  planted  his  cross  and  sung  his  ave.  In 
1846-47,  thirty  years  after  the  first  trials  of  his  gov 
ernorship,  Cass  was  struggling  in  the  Senate  for  the 
possession  of  the  far  Northwest  above  the  line  of 
49°  ;  that  contest  was  the  afterglow  of  the  fire  of 


94  LEWIS   CASS. 

his  younger  life,  which  had  been  devoted  to  the 
extension  of  his  country's  civilization  into  its  re 
mote  and  seemingly  unattractive  corners. 

The  distress  consequent  upon  the  British  and 
Indian  occupation  of  Michigan  was,  as  has  been 
said,  partly  relieved  before  the  war  was  finished. 
But  through  the  whole  summer  of  1815  many  of 
the  inhabitants  needed  assistance.  In  May,  1815, 
the  War  Department  authorized  Governor  Cass  to 
distribute  $1,500  among  the  poor  of  the  Territory. 
This  trifling  sum,  which  would  hardly  keep  starva 
tion  at  bay,  much  less  provide  for  making  the  people 
self-supporting,  he  was  directed  to  spend  with  care 
and  economy,  and  to  draw  for  more  if  necessary.1 
The  national  government  was  not  so  freighted  with 
a  surplus  after  the  war  that  it  could  afford  to  do 
more  than  dribble  out  its  dollars.  This  money, 
spent  in  flour  to  be  given  to  the  Raisin  settlers, 
was  a  temporary  relief,  but  not  a  remedy  for  the 
ills  of  the  Territory.2  So  many  of  the  people  were 
without  the  fundamental  ideas  of  sensible  farming 
that  thrift  and  prosperity  could  not  be  purchased  by 
occasional  alms.  The  happy  French  farmers  near 
Detroit  were  content  with  their  big  orchards  and 
shaggy  ponies.  The  poorer  ones,  brought  for  the 
time  being  out  of  actual  suffering,  began  again 
their  careless  farming,  making  no  attempt  to  push 
back  into  the  unbroken  forests  which  hemmed 
them  in  to  the  river's  brink.  Cass  proclaimed  the 

1  Archives  in  State  Department  of  Michigan. 

2  Ibid. 


GOVERNOR    OF  MICHIGAN   TERRITORY.         95 

need  of  American  enterprise  and  skill.  If  a  few 
Eastern  farmers  could  display  before  the  astonished 
eyes  of  the  French  Canadian  their  habitual  provi 
dence  and  energy,  the  old  wooden  ploughshare  and 
clumsy  hoe  might  give  place  to  more  modern  imple 
ments.  With  this  idea  in  mind,  Governor  Cass 
proceeded  to  make  its  necessity  evident  by  direct 
statement  of  his  desires.  But  the  indirect  method 
seemed,  on  the  whole,  more  efficacious.  If  lands 
were  offered  freely  for  sale,  and  their  attractions 
and  value  demonstrated  by  successful  tillage,  Amer 
icans  from  the  older  States  might  be  attracted  into 
the  Territory.  His  efforts  towards  the  accomplish 
ment  of  this  purpose  furnish  in  detail  an  interest 
ing  study.  The  following  outlines  are  suggestive. 

By  an  act  of  Congress,  passed  at  the  beginning 
of  the  war,  2,000,000  acres  were  to  be  selected  in 
Michigan,  to  be  given  as  bounty  lands  to  volunteers. 
Cass  desired  that  these  surveys  should  be  quickly 
made  in  order  that  at  least  a  few  settlers,  taking  ad 
vantage  of  the  gift,  might  make  their  homes  in  the 
Territory,  and  introduce  a  larger  American  element 
on  which  and  with  which  to  work.  But  disappoint 
ing  delays  awaited  him.  The  surveyors,  to  whom 
had  been  given  the  task  of  running  the  proposed 
meridian  line  from  the  Au  Glaize  River  due  north, 
beginning  their  task  in  the  early  winter,  returned 
to  Ohio  after  a  short  absence  with  a  most  lugubri 
ous  account  of  the  cheerless  Territory.  Cass  had 
been  in  communication  with  the  Indians,  and  was 
able  to  assure  the  surveyors  that  there  was  no  rea- 


96  LEWIS    CASS. 

son  to  fear;  but  either  hardship  and  fatigue,  or 
dread  of  attack,  had  so  perverted  their  judgment 
of  the  country  that  they  described  the  interior  of 
Michigan  as  one  vast  morass,  its  monotony  occa 
sionally  broken  by  sandhills  without  the  covering  of 
attractive  vegetation.  The  President,  assured  by 
the  commissioner  of  the  land  office  that  scarcely 
one  acre  in  a  thousand  was  fit  for  cultivation,  ad 
vised  Congress,  in  February,  1816,  that  the  quota 
of  bounty  lands  assigned  to  Michigan  might  better 
be  located  in  other  parts  of  the  Northwest. 

The  people  of  the  Eastern  States,  receiving  this 
official  condemnation  of  the  country,  believed  for 
years  that  the  rich,  rolling  lauds  of  the  southern 
peninsula  of  Michigan  were  a  barren  waste.  The 
great  American  desert  has  been  a  very  movable 
spot  in  our  geography.  Cass  was  never  entirely 
successful  in  relieving  the  Territory  of  the  weight 
of  this  truthless  description.  For  years  it  lay  like 
a  millstone  on  the  shoulders  of  the  struggling 
young  province.  Disappointed  and  discomfited, 
the  governor  did  not  despair.  Insisting  upon  the 
good  character  of  the  soil  and  climate,  he  finally 
secured,  }n  1818,  the  location  of  a  public  land  office ; 
lands  were  offered  for  sale,  and  the  history  of  Mich 
igan,  as  an  American  settlement,  began.  Slowly  it 
rose  to  a  position  of  dignity  and  power,  as  its  re 
sources  and  beauties  were  made  known.  Some 
twenty  years  later  Harriet  Martineau,  riding 
through  the  Territory,  charmed  by  the  luxuriant 
woods,  with  their  beautiful  openings,  and  the  wild 


GOVERNOR   OF  MICHIGAN   TERRITORY.          97 

flowers  scattered  in  profusion  by  the  roadside,  ex 
claimed  :  "  Milton  must  have  traveled  in  Michigan 
before  he  wrote  the  garden  parts  of  4  Paradise 
Lost.'  "  1  The  progress  of  the  State  was  slow,  but 
its  advance  was  due  to  the  tireless  devotion  of  its 
second  territorial  governor. 

The  work  of  Governor  Cass  in  bringing  Michigan 
out  from  its  Gallic  sloth  was  coupled  with  the  task 
of  asserting  northwestern  independence  and  our 
national  dignity  in  opposition  to  British  interfer 
ence.  In  its  more  evident  form  this  arrogant  inter 
meddling  with  our  concerns  ended  about  two  years 
after  the  war.  But  the  insidious  efforts  of  the 
English  authorities  to  render  insecure  the  American 
occupation  of  the  Northwest  continued  with  more 
or  less  heartiness  through  the  whole  of  Cass's  gov 
ernorship,  and,  indeed,  can  be  detected  until  within 
two  or  three  years  of  the  Ashburton  treaty  of  1842. 
In  case  of  another  war  with  America,  the  Great 
Lakes  and  the  states  bordering  upon  them  would 
offer  special  inducement  for  naval  and  military 
movements.  An  idea  of  the  mighty  growth  of  the 
young  republic  permeated  the  English  mind  but 
slowly.  It  was  only  during  the  Rebellion  that  a 
sense  of  our  power  was  first  conveyed  to  the  average 
Englishman  by  our  enormous  armies  and  our  naval 
enterprises.  In  consequence  of  this  long  ignorance 
and  contempt,  for  years  after  the  Northwest  was  a 
vigorous  and  well-settled  region,  the  English  culti 
vated  its  scattered  tribes  of  Indians  with  remem- 

1  Society  in  America,  vol.  i.  p.  325. 


98  LEWIS   CASS. 

brance  (indistinct,  it  is  to  be  hoped)  of  the  char 
acter  of  their  services  in  the  war  of  1812.  As  we 
can  now  look  back  on  the  fruitlessness  of  such  ef 
forts  and  notice  the  steady  advance  of  the  pioneer 
into  the  forests  and  over  the  plains  of  the  West,  we 
can  pass  the  fact  by  with  a  shrug,  half  of  amuse 
ment  at  the  persistence  of  our  fond  mother-country, 
who  so  long  yearned  for  her  wayward  child.  But 
for  at  least  ten  years  after  the  treaty  of  Ghent, 
these  efforts  were  far  from  amusing,  and,  while  the 
"  era  of  good  feeling  "  was  casting  its  genial  warmth 
upon  the  eastern  partisans,  the  Northwest  was  in 
danger  of  having  its  progress  retarded  by  hostile 
Indians,  whom  British  presents  incited  to  animosity 
against  the  Americans  and  won  to  loyalty  and  re 
spect  for  the  Union  Jack.  Had  a  war  with  Eng 
land  broken  out  before  1840,  in  all  likelihood  a 
great  portion  of  the  Indians  would  have  gone  where 
British  presents  and  brilliant  tinsel  called  them. 
These  dangers  Cass  fully  appreciated ;  and  the  in 
sult  to  American  independence  and  American  hu 
manity  he  deeply  resented.  So  keenly  did  he  feel 
the  injustice  and  perversity  of  England  that  he 
never  recovered  from  his  suspicions  of  her.  His 
dislike  of  her  aggrandizement  was  natural,  and, 
under  the  circumstances,  justifiable  ;  it  colored  his 
whole  public  career.  With  annoying  frequency, 
through  the  whole  of  his  governorship,  arose  these 
evidences  of  British  influence.  Nothing  but  his 
own  good  sense,  promptness,  and  bravery,  checked 
the  insolence  of  the  red  man  thus  encouraged  and 


GOVERNOR   OF  MICHIGAN  TERRITORY.          99 

abetted,  and  rendered  the  Northwest  habitable  and 
peaceful. 

It  has  been  suggested  by  our  general  historians 
that  England  entered  into  the  treaty  of  peace  of 
1783  with  the  hope  that  our  loose-knit  confederacy 
would  soon  burst  its  bonds  and  give  her  a  chance 
to  absorb  the  repentant,  disconsolate  states  singly ; 
but  our  people  have  perhaps  not  realized  the  lon 
gevity  of  that  hope.  A  series  of  incidents,  which 
I  shall  not  attempt  to  give  in  chronological  connec 
tion  with  the  other  events  of  Cass's  governorship, 
will  substantiate  the  general  statements  already 
made. 

The  bold,  ill-concealed  interference  with  our  af 
fairs  and  the  projecting  of  British  authority  into 
our  territory  are  partly  attributable  to  the  reckless 
ness  of  local  authority,  partly,  it  must  be  thought, 
to  that  widespread  feeling  of  our  helplessness,  which 
prompted  adherence  to  the  search  and  impressment 
doctrine  long  after  the  war  of  1812.  Vessels  were 
stopped  and  searched  on  their  way  to  Detroit  as 
late  as  the  middle  of  1816.  Governor  Cass  col 
lected  sworn  testimony,  and  transmitted  it  to  Wash 
ington.  Expostulating  with  the  British  authorities, 
he  insisted  that  the  conduct  of  the  boarding  officers 
was  arrogant  and  imperious,  and  that  such  actions 
were  contrary  to  the  law  of  nations  and  destructive 
of  friendly  relations  between  the  two  governments. 
His  remonstrances  apparently  stopped  these  open 
violations  of  our  rights  upon  the  Lakes. 

Before  this,  there  were  various  troubles  with  the 


100  LEWIS   CASS. 

soldiers  in  Canada.  A  series  of  letters l  which 
passed  between  Governor  Cass  and  Colonel  James, 
in  command  of  the  forces  across  the  river,  discloses 
these  difficulties  and  the  unwarranted  attitude  as 
sumed  by  the  English.  The  ill  feeling  and  lawless 
ness  of  the  Indians,  some  of  whom  still  remained 
in  Canada  and  received  sustenance  from  the  public 
stores,  were  continually  exhibited  in  petty  acts  of 
annoyance  and  in  deeds  of  violence,  for  which  there 
was  no  excuse.  The  agent  of  our  government,  left 
temporarily  in  charge  of  stores  at  Amherstburg, 
was  insulted  and  assaulted  by  these  lawless  braves. 
There  was  no  strong  reason  for  not  sending  them 
away  and  ceasing  to  recognize  them  as  allies ;  but 
the  English  authorities,  in  excuse,  pleaded  the  force 
of  compassion  and  the  difficulty  of  controlling 
them.  On  the  other  side,  it  cannot  truthfully  be 
asserted  that  the  Americans  were  always  courteous 
and  honest.  The  stragglers  in  a  disorganized  coun 
try,  demoralized  by  war,  are  apt  to  cause  annoy 
ances  to  a  hated  enemy  so  temptingly  near  as  were 
the  troops  and  people  in  Canada.  But  while  the 
Indians  were  still  kept  in  idleness  and  mischief  by 
the  presents  from  the  British,  Cass  was  authorized,2 
May  25,  1815,  not  to  give  the  Indians  presents,  in 
asmuch  as  the  reason  for  doing  so  had  passed  away. 
To  our  former  enemies  the  necessities  appeared 
quite  different. 

In  September,  1815,  nine  months  after  the  close 

1  In  the  Archives  of  the  State  Department  at  Lansing. 

2  Letter  to  Cass  from  War  Department,  Archives,  Lansing. 


GOVERNOR   OF  MICHIGAN   TERRITORY.      101 

of  the  war,  a  robbery  and  desertion  from  ?  British 
man-of-war  gave  an  opportunity  f or  an  offensive 
violation  of  our  sovereignty.  A  »lieiit4i>a»1r  and 
boat's  crew,  sent  out  tov-  ^jrrest  -the  culprit/ sought 
him  on  American  soil.  They  prosecuted  the  search 
arrogantly,  entering  and  examining  several  houses, 
and  evidently  conducting  themselves  in  such  a 
domineering  spirit  that  the  citizens  were  aroused 
to  resistance.  One  resident  of  Detroit  at  the 
time  related  that  the  English  "  placed  sentinels 
on  our  highway,  one  of  which  fired  at  a  citizen."  1 
The  deserter  for  whom  they  were  searching  was 
seized  ;  but  meanwhile  the  behavior  of  the  invad 
ing  party  had  so  exasperated  the  citizens  that  they 
flew  to  arms,  and  turned  the  tables  upon  the  in 
truders  by  arresting  the  lieutenant  and  conducting 
him  with  due  pomp  to  the  fort,  while  the  boat's 
crew  hurried  their  captive  on  board  their  vessel. 
Colonel  Miller  gave  up  jurisdiction  in  the  matter 
to  Governor  Cass,  as  the  head  of  the  civil  authority. 
Commodore  Owen  demanded  the  return  of  the  lieu 
tenant.  Cass  answered  at  some  length.  With  only 
a  half-starved  Territory  at  his  back  he  knew  how 
to  resent  contempt  and  neglect  for  well-known  prin 
ciples  of  law. 

Lieutenant  Vidal  was  arrested  and  brought  to  me  for 
apprehending  forcibly  a  person  in  the  Territory  and 
conveying  him  on  board  a  British  armed  vessel.  In  so 
doing  he  has  violated  the  laws  of  the  country,  and  sub- 

1  Niles,  vol.  ix.  p.  104.  Also  ibid.  p.  187.  Letters  in  State  De 
partment,  Lansing. 


102  LEWIS   CASS. 

jected  ^himself  to  the  penalty  it  prescribes  for  such  con 
duct.  Permit  me  fo  Deserve  that  your  demand  for  Lieu 
tenant  Vict?l>  without  offering  to  restore  the  person  seized 
an3  transported  By  hhr.,-w&s  not  to  have  been  expected. 
There  are  no  treaty  stipulations  between  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain  for  the  restoration  of  persons 
deserting  from  the  service  of  the  one  and  seeking  refuge 
in  the  territory  of  the  other.  Such  an  arrangement  was 
proposed  by  our  commissioners,  but  not  acceded  to.  The 
subject,  therefore,  rests  upon  the  general  principles  of 
international  law,  and  I  need  not  remind  you,  sir,  that 
that  law  gives  no  right  to  a  British  officer  to  enter  the 
territory  of  the  United  States  and  forcibly  transport 
thence  any  person,  whatever  may  be  his  description  or 
of  whatever  crime  he  may  be  accused.  .  .  .  But,  sir,  the 
subject  involves  considerations  of  greater  interest  than 
those  personally  affecting  the  offender.  An  armed  force 
in  the  service  of  her  Britannic  Majesty  has  apprehended 
a  person  within  this  Territory.  ...  It  becomes,  there 
fore,  my  duty  to  request  of  you  his  immediate  return.1 

The  circumstances  under  which  this  intrusion 
had  taken  place  partly  extenuated  it ;  but  it  was  a 
transference  to  land  of  that  abominated  claim,  that 
deserters  from  English  ships  could  be  seized  and 
forced  back  to  their  allegiance,  a  claim  which,  when 
carried  out  with  exasperating  additions,  had  in 
flamed  our  country,  and  driven  us  into  a  war  for  the 
defense  of  our  self-respect.  Cass  was  determined 
to  take  a  bold  stand  upon  principle.  Vidal  was 
imprisoned,  tried,  convicted,  and  fined.  An  appeal 
for  his  release  was  sent  to  Washington  by  the  Eng- 

1  Letters  in  Archives  of  State  Department  of  Michigan. 


GOVERNOR   OF  MICHIGAN   TERRITORY.       103 

lisli  authorities.  Our  government  expressly  ratified 
the  action  of  Governor  Cass ;  but,  in  order  to  avoid 
possible  complications  and  ill-feeling,  advised  the 
return  of  the  money  received  as  a  fine,  if  it  had  not 
been  covered  into  the  treasury.  The  advice  came 
too  late.  The  hungry  coffers  of  the  Territory  had 
quickly  absorbed  such  an  unexpected  addition  to 
their  store.1 

Another  instance,  occurring  in  October,  1815, 
illustrates  more  clearly  the  desires  and  the  assump 
tion  of  the  British.  Colonel  James,  in  command 
at  Sandwich,  wrote  to  Cass,  complaining  that  an 
Indian  had  been  "  murdered  under  most  aggravat 
ing  circumstances,  in  a  canoe  close  to  Grosse  Isle, 
by  a  shot  fired  from  an  American,  boat."  "  I  need 
not  point  out  to  you,"  said  the  choleric  colonel, 
"  the  line  of  conduct  necessary  on  this  occasion. 
I  shall  direct  an  inquest  to  be  held  to-morrow 
morning,  and  I  beg  leave  to  remind  you  that  the 
murder  has  been  committed  on  the  body  of  an  un 
offending  Indian,  and  my  pointing  out  the  custom 
of  the  savages  would  be  unnecessary  in  the  present 
instance." 

The  last  allusion,  a  petty  threat,  awakened  the 
ever-watchful  dignity  of  the  young  governor.  He 
informed  Colonel  James  that  he  would  make  in 
quiries.  "If  a  murder  has  been  committed  by 
American  citizens,  and  the  perpetrators  can  be 
detected,  they  will  suffer  the  punishment  which  the 
laws  of  civilized  nations  provide  for  the  offense. 

1  Letters  in  Archives  of  State  Department  of  Michigan. 


104  LEWIS   CASS. 

In  an  application  of  this  kind  it  was  unnecessary 
to  allude  to  the  Indian  custom  of  retaliating  upon 
innocent  individuals  injuries  which  any  of  their 
tribe  may  have  received.  The  laws  of  the  country 
operate  with  rigid  impartiality  upon  all  offenders, 
and  confident  I  am  that  no  dread  of  the  conse 
quences  will  ever  induce  the  courts  of  justice  to 
punish  the  innocent  or  screen  the  guilty."1  An 
examination  speedily  proved  that  the  Indian  had 
been  killed  not  only  in  self-defense,  but  on  Ameri 
can  territory.  "  The  event,"  wrote  Cass  to  James, 
"  was  connected  with  the  predatory  system-  pursued 
by  Indians  on  the  islands  at  the  mouth  of  the  river, 
and  which,  if  not  checked,  will  be  attended  with 
still  more  disastrous  consequences.  The  Indian  was 
killed  within  territorial  jurisdiction  of  the  United 
States,  and  a  British  officer  has,  therefore,  no  right 
to  ask,  nor  ought  an  American  to  give  an  expla 
nation."2 

In  connection  with  the  same  event  came  a  letter 
from  James,  inclosing  one  from  a  British  Indian 
agent,  which  set  up  claims  made  by  the  Indians 
for  some  horses  stolen  from  them  by  the  Ameri 
cans.  Cass  answered  in  a  trenchant  letter  quietly, 
but  sharply,  asking  that  questions  which  did  not 
concern  Canadian  authority  or  jurisdiction  might 
be  left  out  of  consideration  by  over-zealous  officials. 
"  We  do  not  acknowledge  in  principle,  nor  shall 
we  ever  admit  in  practice,  the  right  of  any  foreign 
authority  to  interfere  in  any  arrangement  or  discus- 

1  Letters  in  Archives  of  State  Department  of  Michigan. 

2  Ibid. 


GOVERNOR   OF  MICHIGAN   TERRITORY.      105 

sion  between  us  and  the  Indians  living  within  our 
territory."  That  statement  was  the  basis  for  the 
work  of  his  whole  governorship.  His  rights  and 
duties  were  logically  presented,  —  should  horses  be 
stolen  in  Upper  Canada  and  brought  upon  American 
soil,  all  reasonable  efforts  would  be  made  to  return 
them.  But  in  this  instance  such  was  not  the  case. 
"  In  application  of  these  principles,  I  have  only  to 
observe  that  Stony  Island,  whence  these  horses  were 
stated  to  have  been  taken,  is  in  this  Territory,  that 
the  horses  were  not  taken  from  there  to  Canada, 
and  that  a  British  officer  has  consequently  no  right 
to  make  a  claim  in  behalf  of  the  Indians  on  the 
subject."1  This  application,  of  no  special  impor 
tance  in  itself,  was  part  of  a  general  programme  for 
retaining  the  affection  and  dependence  of  the  In 
dian,  for  perpetuating  his  distrust  of  the  Ameri 
cans,  for  rendering  his  presence  in  the  Northwest  a 
menace  to  American  settlement,  and  for  giving  him 
an  exalted  idea  of  the  friendship,  dignity,  and 
power  of  the  British  government.  On  October 
18th  there  issued  from  the  magistrate  of  the  west 
ern  district  of  Canada  a  circular  announcing  that 
a  Kickapoo  Indian  had  been  "  willfully  murdered," 
and  offering  a  reward  of  five  hundred  dollars  for  the 
capture  of  the  perpetrators  of  the  deed.  This  in 
sidious  announcement,  shrewdly  calculated  to  attract 
the  Indians  and  possibly  intended  to  induce  some 
avaricious  Americans  to  transport  their  fellow-citi 
zens  to  Canada  for  punishment,  was  deeply  resented 

1  Niles's  Register,  vol.  ix.  p.  242. 


106  LEWIS   CASS. 

by  Governor  Cass.  He  at  once  published  a  stir 
ring  counter-proclamation,  stating  that  the  Indian 
was  killed  on  American  soil,  that  the  affair  was  en 
tirely  without  the  jurisdiction  of  the  officious  magis 
trates,  and  that  such  pretensions  were  unfounded 
and  unjustifiable.  He  called  upon  the  citizens  of 
the  Territory  to  repel  by  force  any  attempt  "to 
apprehend  any  person  on  the  west  side  of  the  mid 
dle  water  communication  "  between  lakes  Huron 
and  Erie. 

A  letter  to  Secretary  Monroe  from  Cass,  in  ex 
planation  of  this  affair,  charges  that  such  difficul 
ties  were  due  to  the  "  ungovernable  temper  of  James 
and  to  designs,  which  every  day  more  fully  dis 
closes,  of  using  every  incident  which  occurs  as  a 
means  of  acquiring  and  strengthening  their  influ 
ence  over  the  Indians.  .  .  .  On  the  other  side  of 
the  river  the  design  is  avowed  of  serving  their  pro 
cess  upon  any  part  of  the  river  or  upon  any  islands 
of  it.  The  tenor  and  the  object  of  their  measures 
is  to  teach  the  Indians  to  look  to  them  for  protec 
tion.  Much  sensation  is  thereby  excited,  and  it  is 
surprising  with  what  eagerness  they  gave  credit  to 
the  report  that  the  British  would  punish  the  man 
who  killed  their  countryman."  1 

In  this  letter  he  called  attention  to  the  fact  that 
dollars,  the  American  currency,  instead  of  pounds, 
were  offered  in  the  circular  as  a  reward,  with  the 
intent,  evidently,  of  influencing  persons  in  Ameri 
can  territory.  Even  more  explicitly  were  the  pre- 

1  Letter  in  Archives  of  State  Department  of  Michigan. 


GOVERNOR   OF  MICHIGAN   TERRITORY.      107 

tensions  of  England  stated  by  Colonel  James  a  few 
days  after  this  controversy.  He  acknowledged  the 
receipt  of  the  stolen  horses,  which  had  been  returned 
through  the  generous  efforts  of  Cass,  and  added  a 
few  telling  words.  The  treaty  of  Ghent,  he  as 
serted,  amply  provided  for  the  Indians  who  had 
been  in  alliance  with  Great  Britain ;  all  the  tribes, 
even  those  whose  country  extended  as  far  as  the 
Mississippi  and  who  were  included  in  the  treaty, 
looked  to  the  English  for  a  fulfillment  of  an 
"agreement  which  insured  to  them  ingress  and 
egress  through  all  parts  of  America,  the  same  as 
previous  to  the  year  1811."  l  The  acts  of  the  Brit 
ish  Indian  agents  for  many  years  after  this  speak 
more  loudly  than  words  of  a  design  to  protect  their 
past  allies  and  to  keep  a  guardian  hand  on  all,  as 
far  west  as  the  Mississippi. 

The  patriotic  zeal  of  General  Cass  was  applauded 
in  the  East  as  his  deeds  of  bold  opposition  were 
recounted  in  the  papers.  But  few  have  gathered 
any  idea  of  the  continuance  of  this  trouble,  which 
presented  itself  in  its  most  virulent  form  in  the 
first  three  years  of  his  administration.  A  study  of 
the  Indian  treaties  which  he  negotiated  shows  him 
continually  trying  to  win  the  affection  and  respect 
of  many  who  were  inclined  to  believe  in  the  power 
and  generosity  of  the  British  government.  The 
radius  of  his  influence  was  constantly  lengthening, 
and  the  fear  and  respect  for  the  power  which  he 
represented  increased.  When  he  began  his  govern- 

1  Letters  in  Archives  of  State  Department  of  Michigan. 


108  LEWIS  CASS. 

orship,  he  strove  to  overcome  Indian  antipathy  in 
the  very  neighborhood  of  Detroit.  Twelve  years 
later  in  northern  Wisconsin  and  Minnesota  he  re 
lieved  the  Indians  from  want,  and  with  gentle 
reproof  took  from  the  necks  of  their  chieftains  their 
British  medals,  and  placed  in  their  stead  a  minia 
ture  of  their  great  and  mighty  "  Father  at  Wash 
ington.'"  But  in  spite  of  the  widening  circle  of 
successful  management,  he  cannot  be  said  to  have 
been  entirely  relieved  of  his  task  until  he  left  the 
Territory.  In  June,  1819,  George  Boyd,  the  In 
dian  agent  at  Mackinaw,  wrote  to  Cass  :  "  A  large 
body  of  Indians  took  their  departure  hence  three 
days  ago  for  Drummond's  Island  for  the  purpose 
of  receiving,  it  is  said,  large  disbursements  of  Indian 
presents  at  the  hand  of  the  Duke  of  Richmond, 
and  perhaps  with  a  view  to  influence  their  attend 
ance  on  the  treaty  about  to  be  held  by  your  Ex 
cellency  the  ensuing  fall  at  Saginah."  1  In  May, 
1822,  the  same  agent  wrote  again  on  this  interest 
ing  question  :  "  At  all  events,  I  trust  that  the  stand 
now  taken  by  the  government  .  .  .  will  not  be 
lightly  abandoned.  To  temporize  with  them,  as 
regards  their  intercourse  with  the  British  posts, 
will,  in  the  end,  prove  as  injurious  to  them  as  it 
will  be  disgraceful  to  us,  and  I  see  no  better  time  to 
draw  the  strong  line  between  American  and  British 
Indians  than  the  present.  Whenever  I  shall  have 
met  them  fully  in  council,  the  result  shall  be  im 
mediately  communicated  to  your  Excellency." 2 

1  Boyd  Papers,  in  the  Library  of  Wisconsin  Historical  Society. 

2  Ibid. 


GOVERNOR   OF  MICHIGAN  TERRITORY.       109 

Other  words  in  this  letter  suggest  the  present  fear 
of  English  influence,  and  the  danger  that,  should 
another  war  occur,  the  Indians  would  be  attracted 
to  our  open-handed  enemies. 

One  or  two  other  facts  will  add  to  the  evidence 
of  British  intrigue  and  intrusion.  December  4, 
1823,  nearly  ten  years  after  Cass  had  been  ordered 
to  cease  furnishing  presents  to  the  tribes  lingering 
around  Detroit,  we  find  him  writing  to  Calhoun, 
the  secretary  of  war,  in  a  tone  not  of  the  utmost 
confidence,  and  as  if  the  troubles  were  well  known 
and  discouraging,  that  he  will  use  every  effort 
which  prudence  dictates  to  prevent  the  Indians 
from  passing  through  the  country  to  Maiden  to 
receive  gifts,  and  that  a  celebrated  half-breed  has 
just  gone  through  for  the  purpose  of  extending 
British  influence  among  the  Indians.1  In  Septem 
ber,  1829,  Niles  quoted  from  the  Canadian  "  Colo 
nial  Advocate  "  the  statement  that  "  about  sixty  tons 
of  Indian  presents  are  on  their  way  to  Amherst- 
burg  and  Drummond's  Island ;  they  are  chiefly  dis 
tributed  among  British  Indians,  but  great  numbers 
of  Indians  from  the  United  States  territories  also 
partake.  Fifty  or  sixty  tons  more  of  presents  are 
on  their  way  up  the  Alciope.  There  is  no  doubt 
but  that  they  cost  the  British  government  an  im 
mense  sum  annually."  A  large  body  of  Indians  at 
that  time  passed  through  northern  Ohio  on  their 
way  to  the  field  of  tinsel  and  brass.  The  sage 
Niles  remarks  mildly  that  this  "  policy  of  the  Brit- 

1  Archives,  Governor's  Office,  Lansing,  Michigan. 


110  LEWIS   CASS. 

ish  government  should  be  checked  by  prompt  meas 
ures."  One  of  the  scenes  familiar  to  the  people 
of  Detroit,  the  remembrance  of  which  has  not  yet 
passed  away,  is  that  of  the  tippling,  carousing  red 
men,  who,  loaded  with  nicknacks  and  gewgaws  in 
Canada,  came  across  the  river,  and,  exchanging 
what  of  their  treasures  they  might  to  obtain  some 
beloved  firewater,  held  their  maudlin  encampment 
on  the  attractive  camping  ground  below  the  city. 

In  the  north,  near  the  head  of  Lake  Huron, 
these  gifts  were  made  to  American  Indians  as  late 
as  1839.  Had  the  Caroline  affair  brought  on  the 
war  which  at  one  time  seemed  imminent,  the 
tomahawk  and  scalping  -  knife  might  have  done 
their  execution  ;  or,  had  the  northeastern  boundary 
trouble  been  more  sanguinary  than  the  "  battle  of 
the  maps,"  the  war-whoop  might  again  have  been 
heard  through  northern  Michigan  and  Wisconsin. 
Without  presuming  to  cast  the  horoscope  of  a  hypo 
thetical  past,  one  may  insist  that  these  assertions 
have  more  than  a  visionary  foundation.  Mrs. 
Jameson,  in  her  "Winter  Studies  and  Summer 
Rambles  in  Canada,"  has  left  us  a  graphic,  artless, 
and  interesting  picture  of  a  great  Indian  council 
held  upon  Great  Manitoulin  Island,  in  which  the 
policy  of  the  English  government  is  well  presented. 
She  prefaces  her  description  by  a  confession  that  the 
assembling  of  all  Indians  within  British  territory 
"  who  are  our  allies  and  receive  our  annual  pres 
ents  seems  reasonable  and  politic."  By  this  time 
it  was  the  policy  of  Great  Britain  to  gather  the 


GOVERNOR   OF  MICHIGAN  TERRITORY.       Ill 

Indians  together  from  the  northern  part  of  the 
United  States,  to  settle  them  in  British  territory, 
and  bind  them  to  British  allegiance  by  annual 
bestowal  of  gifts.  Can  this  be  charged  to  sheer 
philanthropy,  to  a  desire  to  take  the  poor  red  man 
from  our  jurisdiction,  and  to  lay  the  burden  of  his 
sustenance  upon  the  grumbling  taxpayer  at  home, 
to  a  willingness  to  increase  the  weight  of  the  great 
Indian  problem  to  the  British  and  Canadian  gov 
ernments  ? 

In  the  council  of  1837,  as  described  by  Mrs. 
Jameson,  the  Indians  were  informed  that  their 
"  Great  Father  the  King  "  would  continue  to  give 
presents  to  the  Indians  of  Canada,  but  that  only 
"  for  three  years,  including  the  present  delivery," 
should  the  tribes  within  the  limits  of  the  United 
States  be  so  treated ;  the  United  States,  the  agent 
said,  justly  complained  against  this  policy,  which 
gave  "arms  and  ammunition  to  Indians  of  the 
United  States,  who  are  fighting  against  the  gov 
ernment  under  which  they  live;"  the  people  of 
England  grumbled  at  the  great  expense.  "  But, 
children !  "  he  continued,  "  let  it  be  distinctly  un 
derstood  that  the  British  government  has  not  come 
to  the  determination  to  cease  to  give  presents  to 
the  Indians  of  the  United  States.  On  the  con 
trary,  the  government  of  your  Great  Father  will 
be  most  happy  to  do  so,  provided  they  live  in  the 
British  empire ;  "  1  the  giving  of  presents  to  those 

1  Mrs.  Jameson's  Winter  Studies  and  Summer  Rambles  in  Can 
ada,  vol.  ii.  p.  289. 


112  LEWIS   CA8S. 

residing  without  the  jurisdiction  of  England  would 
"  bring  on  war  between  your  Great  Father  and 
the  Long  Knives."  This  needs  no  interpretation. 
At  least  as  late  as  the  Ashburton  treaty  England 
had  on  our  northern  frontier  a  body  of  dependent 
allies,  a  band  of  savage  mercenaries  bought  by 
beads  and  calico,  ready  at  her  word  to  collect  in 
war-paint  and  feathers,  and  to  enter  upon  the  das 
tardly  horrors  which  Michigan  had  learned  to  fear. 
It  was  due  to  the  efforts  of  Governor  Cass  that 
many  were  brought  to  fear  and  respect  him,  and 
that  so  many  were  turned  from  their  devotion  to 
the  implacable  mother  of  our  country. 

Observing  this  work  of  Governor  Cass  with  the 
Indians,  we  find  a  career  of  monotonous  responsi 
bility  broken  at  intervals  by  romantic  and  pictur 
esque  incidents.  Until  April,  1816,  Michigan 
included  all  the  land  east  of  a  line  drawn  through 
the  middle  of  Lake  Michigan  and  north  of  a  line 
drawn  from  the  southern  end  of  that  lake  eastward 
until  it  intersected  Lake  Erie.  In  1816  Indiana 
was  admitted  to  the  Union  with  a  slice  pared  from 
the  southwestern  portion  of  Michigan.  After 
April.  1818,  all  land  east  of  the  Mississippi  and 
north  of  the  northern  line  of  Illinois  was  under 
the  supervision  of  Governor  Cass.  For  the  re 
maining  years  of  his  governorship  he  had  control 
of  this  vast  region.  He  was  ex-officio  superin 
tendent  of  Indian  affairs  in  the  Territory.  He 
had,  in  addition,  for  a  great  portion  of  the  time, 
charge  of  agencies  at  Chicago,  Fort  Wayne,  Piqua, 


GOVERNOR   OF  MICHIGAN  TERRITORY.      113 

and  other  sub-agencies.  In  the  capacity  of  special 
agent  and  commissioner  he  came  into  contact  with 
the  Indians  of  the  whole  Northwest.  He  entered 
into  a  score  of  treaties  of  such  importance,  and  his 
personal  influence  was  so  great,  that  there  is  little 
exaggeration  in  claiming  that  the  actual  possession 
of  the  Northwest  was  due  to  his  exertions.  He 
traveled  through  the  wilderness,  enduring  hard 
ship  and  fatigue,  everywhere  and  always  studying 
how  he  might  open  up  all  the  vast  region  for  peace 
ful  settlement,  how  he  might  win  the  red  man  to 
civilization  and  comfort.  He  was  the  first  white 
man  to  ride  over  the  Indian  trail  which  became 
the  great  highway  between  Detroit  and  Chicago. 
The  merry  voyageurs  carried  him  in  their  bark 
canoes  over  the  lake  and  stream  until  the  North 
west,  with  its  resources  and  splendid  possibilities, 
was  familiar  to  him.  For  weeks  at  a  time  he  was 
absent  from  home  on  long  voyages,  accompanied 
by  one  or  two  companions  of  his  liking  and  by  the 
hardy  boatmen  whose  steady,  swinging  stroke  car 
ried  him  over  the  waves  of  the  Great  Lakes.  It  is 
still  remembered  how  the  ringing  boat-song  would 
awaken  the  little  village  on  his  return,  as  the  long 
canoe  came  flying  down  the  river,  and  the  cheery 
boatmen,  bending  to  their  work,  lifted  their  voices 
in  measured  cadences  of  weird  and  fascinating 
music. 

Duncan  McArthur  was  appointed  in  1817  to 
cooperate  with  Cass  in  obtaining  land  in  northern 
Ohio  and  Indiana.  By  a  successful  treaty  this 


114  LEWIS   CASS. 

commission  acquired  for  settlement  a  great  deal  of 
land,  and  obtained  the  grant  of  three  sections  for 
the  "  College  at  Detroit,"  a  gift  of  value,  afterward, 
for  higher  education  in  Michigan.  The  following 
year  Cass  met  the  Indians  at  St.  Mary's,  in  Ohio, 
and  entered  into  a  fruitful  negotiation  for  a  vast 
stretch  of  territory.  At  Saginaw,  in  1819,  a  large 
portion  of  Michigan  was  secured,  and  at  Chicago, 
in  1821,  he  obtained  all  the  southwestern  part  of 
the  State  of  Michigan,  south  of  the  Grand  River. 
In  the  latter  part  of  November,  1819,  he  wrote  to 
Secretary  Calhoun  for  authority  to  make  an  ex 
tended  tour  along  the  southern  shore  of  Lake 
Superior,  thence  to  the  source  of  the  Mississippi, 
and  home  by  way  of  Prairie  du  Chien  and  Green 
Bay.  He  desired  to  investigate  the  Indian  tribes, 
to  induce  them  no  longer  to  go  to  Canada  for  pres 
ents,  to  obtain  plots  of  ground  at  Sault  de  St. 
Marie  and  other  places,  and  to  investigate  the  min 
eral  resources  of  the  country,  with  special  refer 
ence  to  copper,  which  was  reported  to  exist  in 
abundance.  "  All  that  will  be  required,"  he  said, 
"is  an  ordinary  birch  bark  canoe,  and  permission 
to  employ  a  competent  number  of  Canadian  boat 
men."  He  suggested,  in  addition,  an  "  officer  of 
engineers  to  make  a  correct  chart,"  and  "some 
person  acquainted  with  zoology,  botany,  and  min 
eralogy."  The  plan  was  received  favorably  at 
Washington.  A  topographical  engineer  was  at 
tached  to  the  expedition.  Mr.  Henry  E.  School- 
craft  was  selected  to  conduct  the  scientific  re- 


GOVERNOR   OF  MICHIGAN  TERRITORY.      115 

searches,  and  has  left  an  account  of  the  incidents 
and  discoveries  of  the  journey  in  his  book  entitled 
"Discovery  of  the  Sources  of  the  Mississippi 
River." 

The  voyagers,  in  three  birch  canoes,  left  Detroit, 
May  24th,  amid  the  shouts  and  acclamations  of 
the  people,  who  were  deeply  interested  in  the 
efforts  of  Governor  Cass.  Schoolcraft  gives  a 
vivid  description  of  the  strange  scene.  The  In 
dians,  who  had  been  secured  as  the  hunters  of  the 
expedition,  were  in  one  canoe,  vainly  striving  to 
pass  by  the  hardy  Canadians,  who,  in  their  turn, 
starting  their  familiar  boat-song,  began  their  steady 
strokes,  and  soon  gave  evidence  of  their  firmer 
muscle  and  more  enduring  nerve.  The  large  or 
chards  and  windmills,  and  the  quaint  houses  lining 
the  river  for  miles,  added  a  foreign  flavor.  Skirt 
ing  the  storm-battered  shores  and  long-winding 
beaches  of  Lake  Huron,  the  expedition,  after  a 
journey  of  more  than  three  hundred  miles,  came 
to  Mackinaw  on  June  6th.  A  few  days  later  they 
reached  the  Sault  de  St.  Marie,  where  it  was  Cass's 
intent  to  obtain  possession  of  a  piece  of  ground 
formerly  conveyed  to  the  French,  our  right  to 
which  the  Indians  had  acknowledged  in  various 
treaties. 

The  braves,  evidently  restless  and  out  of  humor, 
assembled  to  meet  the  Americans.  Arrayed  in 
their  best  attire,  and  many  of  them  adorned  with 
British  medals,  they  seated  themselves  with  even 
more  than  their  wonted  solemnity  and  dignity,  and 


116  LEWIS   CASS. 

prepared  to  hear  what  Governor  Cass  desired.  At 
first  pretending  not  to  know  of  any  French  grants, 
they  finally  intimated  that  our  government  might 
be  permitted  to  occupy  the  place  if  we  did  not  use 
it  as  a  military  station.  The  governor,  perceiving 
that  their  independence  and  boldness  verged  on 
impudence  and  menace,  answered  decisively  that 
as  surely  as  the  "  rising  sun  would  set,  so  surely 
would  there  be  an  American  garrison  sent  to  that 
point,  whether  they  received  the  grant  or  not." 
The  excitement  which  had  been  ready  to  break 
forth  now  displayed  itself.  The  chiefs  disputed 
among  themselves,  some  evidently  counseling  mod 
eration,  others  favoring  hostilities.  A  tall  and 
stately-looking  chieftain,  dressed  in  a  British  uni 
form  with  epaulets,  lost  patience  with  moderation 
and  delay.  Striking  his  spear  into  the  ground,  he 
drew  it  forth  again,  and,  kicking  away  the  presents 
that  lay  scattered  about,  strode  in  high  dudgeon 
out  of  the  assembly. 

The  Indian  camp  was  on  a  small  hill  a  few  hun 
dred  yards  from  that  of  the  Americans.  The  dis 
satisfied  chiefs  went  directly  to  their  lodges,  and 
in  a  moment  a  British  flag  was  flying  in  the  very 
faces  of  the  little  company  of  white  men.  The 
soldiers  were  at  once  ordered  under  arms.  Every 
one  expected  an  immediate  attack,  for  the  In 
dians,  greatly  outnumbering  the  Americans,  had  not 
disguised  their  insolence  and  contempt.  In  an  in 
stant  Governor  Cass  took  his  resolution.  Reject 
ing  the  offers  of  those  who  volunteered  to  accom- 


GOVERNOR   OF  MICHIGAN  TERRITORY.      117 

pany  him,  with  no  weapon  in  his  hands  and  only 
his  interpreter  beside  him,  he  walked  straight  to 
the  middle  of  the  Indian  camp,  tore  down  the  Brit 
ish  flag,  and  trampled  it  under  his  feet.1  Then 
addressing  the  astonished  and  even  panic-stricken 
braves,  he  warned  them  that  two  flags  of  different 
nations  could  not  fly  over  the  same  territory,  and 
should  they  raise  any  but  the  American  flag,  the 
United  States  would  put  its  strong  foot  upon  them 
and  crush  them.  He  then  turned  upon  his  heel  and 
walked  back  to  his  own  tent,  carrying  the  British 
ensign  with  him.  An  hour  of  indecision  among 
the  Indians  ensued.  Their  camp  was  quickly 
cleared  of  women  and  children,  an  indication  that  a 
battle  was  in  immediate  prospect.  The  Americans, 
looking  to  their  guns,  listened  for  the  war-whoop 
and  awaited  attack.  But  the  intrepidity  of  Gov 
ernor  Cass  had  struck  the  Indians  with  amazement. 
It  showed  a  rare  knowledge  of  Indian  character,  of 
which  his  own  companions  had  not  dreamed.2  Sub 
dued  by  the  boldness  and  decision  of  this  action, 
the  hostile  chiefs  forgot  their  swaggering  confi 
dence,  and  in  a  few  hours  signed  the  treaty  which 
had  been  offered  them.  The  friends  of  Governor 
Cass  who  witnessed  the  scene  never  wearied  of 
describing  it  and  of  commenting  on  his  bravery. 
One  whose  knowledge  of  Indian  character  was 
almost  equal  to  that  of  the  governor  was  wont  to 
remark  that  for  fair,  frank  courage  in  the  face  of 

*  Trowbridge's  account,  Wisconsin  Historical  Collection. 
2  Schoolcraft's  Summary  Narrative,  etc.,  p.  80. 


118  LEWIS   CABS. 

danger  this  action  surpassed  all  others  he  had  ever 
known.1  The  habitual  courage  and  dignity  of  Gov 
ernor  Cass,  coupled  with  honesty  and  mercy,  won 
from  the  Indians  a  respect  and  even  love  for  their 
"  Great  Father  at  Detroit,"  and  gradually  forced 
westward  and  northward  allegiance  to  Britain  and 
undue  respect  for  her  power. 

From  the  Sault  de  St.  Marie  the  party  skirted 
the  southern  shores  of  Lake  Superior  to  its  west 
ern  end.  By  way  of  the  Fond  du  Lac  or  St.  Louis 
river,  and  by  means  of  various  portages,  they 
reached  the  Mississippi,  and  proceeded  up  it  a  dis 
tance  estimated  at  three  hundred  and  fifty  miles  to 
what  was  known  as  Ked  Cedar  Lake,  but  which 
Schoolcraft  on  his  map  and  in  his  report  named 
Cass  Lake,  in  token  of  the  "  energy  and  enlight 
ened  zeal  of  the  gentleman  who  led  the  expedition." 
Had  it  not  been  for  the  low  state  of  the  water, 
General  Cass  would  in  all  probability  have  dis 
covered  the  true  source  of  the  Mississippi  as  early 
as  1820.  From  this  point  the  company  paddled 
between  the  beautiful  banks  of  the  mighty  river 
to  Prairie  du  Chien,  and  thence  made  their  way 
across  Wisconsin  to  Green  Bay.  Here  General 
Cass  caused  a  series  of  investigations  to  be  con 
ducted  for  the  purpose  of  discovering  the  truth  or 
falsity  of  the  theory  that  there  were  tides  in  the 
Great  Lakes  as  in  the  ocean.  Experiments  seemed 
to  prove  complete  irregularity  in  the  rise  and  fall 

1  Mr.  C.  C.  Trowbridge,  companion  and  secretary  of  the  gov 
ernor. 


GOVERNOR   OF  MICHIGAN  TERRITORY.      119 

of  the  water-fluctuations,  which  were  in  all  proba 
bility  due  to  the  wind  and  the  currents  of  the 
lakes.  In  later  years  Cass  made  more  extended 
tests,  and  published  the  results  of  his  studies.  At 
Green  Bay  the  company  divided,  one  part  going 
north,  the  other,  including  the  governor,  to  Chi 
cago,  whence  he  proceeded  overland  to  Detroit  by 
the  old  Indian  trail.  The  expedition  had  been  a 
most  successful  and  profitable  one.  Mr.  School- 
craft,  in  his  report  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  affirmed 
that  the  mineral  resources  of  the  country  were 
great,  and  called  special  attention  to  the  indica 
tions  t)f  wonderful  copper  and  iron  deposits.  The 
Indians  were  visited,  and  given  an  object  lesson  in 
the  daring  and  resolution  of  the  Americans.  The 
topography  of  the  country,  described  with  some 
detail,  furnished  basis  for  further  explorations  and 
induced  greater  immigrations. 

During  these  years  the  internal  political  affairs 
of  the  Territory  were  not  neglected  by  Governor 
Cass.  When  he  came  into  office,  the  first  system 
of  government  established  under  the  Ordinance  of 
1787  was  in  vogue.  The  governor  and  judges 
were  omnipotent,  save  as  they  were  restrained  by 
the  general  terms  of  their  fundamental  charter. 
The  citizens  had  taken  no  interest  in  the  manage 
ment  of  the  Territory.  The  habitant  could  not 
conceive  of  the  necessity  or  the  pleasure  of  inter 
ference  with  the  divine  right  of  government.  But 
their  new  governor  intended  that  democratic  prin 
ciples  should  hold  sway  as  widely  as  possible  under 


120  LEWIS  CASS. 

his  guidance.  The  people  were  tempted  into  self- 
government.  The  laws  were  codified  and  pub 
lished,  and,  so  arranged,  have  since  been  known  as 
the  "  Cass  Code."  Counties  were  laid  out  as  rap 
idly  as  convenience  directed.  As  the  Americans 
came  into  the  Territory  in  greater  numbers,  the 
governor  allowed  the  settlers  of  each  locality  to 
suggest  names  of  persons  to  be  appointed  to  local 
offices,  and  thus  practically  deprived  himself  of 
a  prerogative  which  he  might  have  used  for  his 
own  ends.  He  adhered  with  tenacity  to  the  doc 
trine  that  the  people  should  have  a  direct  voice 
in  appointments  and  in  other  political  affairs  in 
the  Territory.  In  the  spring  of  1818,  the  people 
were  invited  to  decide  by  a  general  vote  whether  or 
not  to  proceed  to  the  semi-representative  govern 
ment  permitted  by  the  Ordinance.  But  the  lethar 
gic  French  and  others,  who  appreciated  the  good 
they  had,  voted  against  change.  For  five  years 
the  governor  and  judges  retained  their  autocratic 
position,  at  the  end  of  which  time  the  second  form 
was  established ;  a  council  of  nine  came  into  ex 
istence,  the  members  of  which  were  selected  by 
the  President  and  confirmed  by  the  Senate  from 
eighteen  names  presented  as  the  choice  of  the  peo 
ple.  In  1819  the  right  to  elect  a  delegate  to  Con 
gress  was  granted.  In  1825  thirteen  councilmen 
were  allowed,  and  in  1827  the  people  chose  the 
whole  number.  The  judicial  system  was  gradually 
elaborated  to  meet  the  growing  needs  of  the  Ter 
ritory. 


GOVERNOR   OF  MICHIGAN  TERRITORY.      121 

The  industrial  condition  of  the  Territory  rapidly 
improved  after  1818.  Cass,  appreciating  the  needs 
of  the  people,  urged  upon  Congress  the  building 
of  a  road  around  the  end  of  Lake  Erie,  as  a  high 
way  for  commerce  and  an  actual  necessity  for  mili 
tary  movements  in  case  of  war.  National  aid  was 
secured.  A  portion  of  the  small  resources  of  the 
Territory  was  appropriated  for  making  a  suitable 
wagon  road  to  Chicago.  The  stagnant  province, 
even  before  1820,  took  new  life,  showing  by  the 
census  a  marked  increase  in  population.  Before 
1830  the  barren  waste,  Michigan,  was  actually  ex 
porting  flour  to  the  East,  and  there  was  an  air  of 
comfort  on  her  borders  and  an  appearance  of  thrift 
along  her  inland  roads,  which  spoke  of  the  success 
of  Governor  Cass's  efforts  to  attract  eastern  know 
ledge  and  energy.  By  the  third  census  of  the 
century  Michigan  was  shown  to  have  over  30,000 
people,  and  to  have  just  claims  for  speedy  admit 
tance  as  a  State.  The  little  frontier  settlements 
which  Governor  Cass  was  summoned  to  defend  in 
1813  "  had  extended  and  spread  to  the  dimensions 
of  a  commonwealth  under  his  judicious  and  states 
man-like  care  and  nurture."  l  The  settlers  in  Mich 
igan  were  from  New  York  and  Massachusetts. 
Many  of  those  from  the  former  State  had  previ 
ously  lived  in  New  England.  In  consequence,  the 
political  spirit  which  was  being  breathed  into  the 
nostrils  of  Michigan  was  the  spirit  of  local  self- 
government  in  church  and  state,  and  in  many 

1  Michigan,  by  Thomas  Mclntyre  Cooley,  p.  203. 


122  LEWIS   CASS. 

crises  of  our  history  she  has  given  evidence  of  her 
parentage.  Cass  encouraged  in  every  way  the 
growth  of  political  feeling  among  the  people.  He 
was  a  "  democrat  by  conviction,  and  not  merely  in 
a  party  sense."  l  "  In  proportion  as  all  govern 
ments  recede  from  the  people,  they  become  liable 
to  abuse.  Whatever  authority  can  be  conveniently 
exercised  in  primary  assemblies  may  be  deposited 
there  with  safety."  2  This  was  his  published  creed. 
Intellectually  and  socially  the  Territory  made  ad 
vances.  Governor  Cass  extended  his  democracy 
from  politics  to  learning.  Appreciating  that  reli 
gion,  morality,  and  knowledge  were  "necessary  to 
good  government  and  the  happiness  of  mankind," 
he  assisted  the  church  and  gave  his  public  encour 
agement  to  the  school.  The  percentage  of  illit 
eracy  in  Michigan  was  very  large  in  its  early  years 
as  an  American  province.;  but  in  accordance  with 
the  comprehensive  suggestion  of  Governor  Cass,  a 
broad  and  generous  basis  for  public  education  was 
established,  on  which  has  been  reared  a  school  sys 
tem  which  has  become  the  model  for  the  newer 
States  of  the  West,  and  stands  to-day  as  the  most 
perfect  embodiment  of  popular  American  educa 
tion  in  our  country.  The  foundation  for  this 
structure  bears  marks  of  the  broad  sympathetic 
democracy  of  General  Cass.  He  was  a  Jeffer- 
sonian  in  all  that  related  to  education,  and  used  his 
influence  for  popularizing  the  school-book  and  the 
ballot. 

1  Michigan,  by  Thomas  Mclntyre  Cooley,  p.  205. 

9'  Journal  of  the  Legislative  Council  of  Michigan,  1826> 


GOVERNOR   OF  MICHIGAN  TERRITORY.      123 

"  Of  all  purposes,"  he  declared,  "  to  which  a 
revenue  derived  from  the  people  can  be  applied 
under  a  government  emanating  from  the  people, 
there  is  none  more  interesting  in  itself,  nor  more 
important  in  its  effects,  than  the  maintenance  of  a 
public  and  general  course  of  moral  and  mental 
discipline.  .  .  .  Many  republics  have  preceded  us 
in  the  progress  of  human  society ;  but  they  have 
disappeared,  leaving  behind  them  little  besides 
the  history  of  their  follies  and  dissensions  to  serve 
as  a  warning  to  their  successors  in  the  career  of 
self-government.  Unless  the  foundation  of  such 
governments  is  laid  in  the  virtue  and  intelligence 
of  the  community,  they  must  be  swept  away  by 
the  first  commotion  to  which  political  circumstances 
may  give  birth.  Whenever  education  is  diffused 
among  the  people  generally,  they  will  appreciate 
the  value  of  free  institutions ;  and  as  they  have 
the  power,  so  must  they  have  the  will  to  maintain 
them.  It  appears  to  me  that  a  plan  may  be  de 
vised  which  will  not  press  too  heavily  upon  the 
means  of  the  country,  and  which  will  insure  a  com 
petent  portion  of  education  to  all  youth  in  the 
Territory." l  Such  views  as  these  were  in  advance 
of  the  thinking  of  the  time.  Platitudes  upon  en 
lightenment  and  liberty  grew  in  plenty ;  but  these 
practical  propositions  of  Governor  Cass  mark  an 
era  in  the  history  of  Michigan  and  of  popular  edu 
cation  in  the  United  States. 

1  Journal  of  Legislative  Council  of  the  Territory  of  Michigan, 

1826. 


124  LEWIS   CASS, 

In  Indian  affairs  Cass  was  not  idle  in  the  decade 
between  1820  and  1830.  The  treaty  of  Chicago 
has  already  been  mentioned  and  its  importance 
suggested.  Other  negotiations  were  soon  under 
taken.  For  a  long  time  the  constant  warfare  be 
tween  the  Sacs,  Foxes,  Sioux,  and  other  tribes  in 
the  West,  had  given  vexation  to  the  general  gov 
ernment  and  endangered  the  peace  of  the  frontier. 
In  company  with  Governor  Clark  of  Missouri,  Cass 
met  the  Indians  at  Prairie  du  Chien  in  August, 
1825,  and  secured  a  treaty  determining  boundaries 
and  promising  peace.  The  following  year,  accom 
panied  by  Colonel  Thomas  L.  McKenney,  he  jour 
neyed  to  Fond  du  Lac,  and  entered  there  into 
negotiations  with  the  Chippewas  for  peace  with  the 
other  tribes.  The  Indians  were  encouraged  by 
direct  aid  to  lead  civilized  lives,  money  was  prom 
ised  them  for  a  school,  and  the  United  States  was 
granted  permission  to  search  for  minerals  through 
out  the  North.  Colonel  McKenney's  "  Tour  to 
the  Lakes"  l  contains  the  incidents  of  the  journey, 
related  in  the  charming,  romantic,  personal  style 
of  fifty  years  ago.  Other  treaties  were  obtained 
this  year  by  the  governor  in  the  more  southern 
portion  of  the  Northwest. 

It  was  necessary  to  make  still  further  arrange 
ments  for  determining  definite  boundaries  between 
the  tribes  in  the  West.  In  the  summer  of  1827 
General  Cass  was  absent  from  Detroit  for  two 
months,  engaged  in  one  of  the  most  important  and 

1  Baltimore,  1827. 


GOVERNOR   OF  MICHIGAN  TERRITORY.       125 

perilous  of  his  undertakings.  Proceeding  to  Green 
Bay,  with  Colonel  McKenney  as  associate  commis 
sioner,  he  found  that  the  Winnebagoes,  whom  he 
had  expected  to  meet  with  the  other  tribes,  were 
not  there.  Eumors  that  they  had  put  on  the  war 
paint  were  in  the  air,  and  Cass  determined  as  usual 
upon  crushing  out  hostilities  by  prompt  and  deci 
sive  action.  He  neither  delayed  nor  sent  a  mes 
senger.  He  manned  his  canoe,  and  made  his  way 
up  the  Fox  and  down  the  Wisconsin  rivers,  for  the 
purpose  of  discovering  the  actual  condition  of 
things  and  of  communicating  with  the  forces  at 
St.  Louis  by  the  quickest  possible  method.  On 
his  way  down  the  Wisconsin  he  landed  boldly  at 
a  Winnebago  village.  There  were  indications  of 
hostile  movements.  He  remonstrated  with  the 
chiefs  arid  warned  them  of  the  results  of  war.  As 
he  turned  to  leave,  a  young  brave  aimed  his  gun  at 
him  and  pulled  the  trigger.  The  gun  missed  fire, 
however,  and  his  life  was  saved.  The  older  chiefs, 
realizing  what  the  death  of  Governor  Cass  would 
involve,  seized  the  offender  and  soundly  upbraided 
him  ;  but  smouldering  discontent  was  evident. 
The  canoe  hurried  on  its  journey  to  the  south  and 
west.  Evidences  of  war  became  more  clear.  The 
citizens  of  Prairie  du  Chien,  in  momentary  dread 
of  attack,  had  crowded  together  and  hastily  thrown 
up  some  rude  defenses.  Alarm,  consternation,  and 
confusion  appeared  throughout  the  mining  district 
of  northern  Illinois  ;  the  roads  were  lined  with 
the  frantic  and  fleeing  people  who  had  dared  to 


126  LEWIS   CASS. 

enter  the  wilderness  in  the  delirium  of  the  lead 
fever  of  1826-27.     The  little  village  of  Galena  was 
filled  with  the  settlers  of  the  outlying  districts,  and 
overwhelmed   by  disorder    and   panic.     Governor 
Cass  quickly  organized  the  people  for  defense  at 
Prairie  du  Chien  ;  brought  confidence  to  Galena  by 
his  energy  and  decision  ;  collected  volunteers  at  the 
latter  place,  and  sent  troops  immediately  up  the 
river  where   there  was  more  actual   danger.     He 
then  hastened  on  to  St.  Louis  to  confer  with  Gen 
eral  Atkinson,  who  at  once  moved  northward  with 
a  force  sufficient  to  overawe  the  Indians,  who,  find 
ing  themselves  overtaken   in  their  designs,  aban 
doned    their    hostile   purposes   with    ill-concealed 
chagrin.     The  promptness  of  the  governor's  action 
prevented  a  devastating  war  over  the  whole  north 
western  frontier.     He  returned  to  Green  Bay,  by 
way  of  Chicago,  and  completed  the  negotiations  he 
had  intended  to  conduct.     The  incidents  of  his  fly. 
ing  trip  to  St,  Louis,  the  light  canoe  flitting  through 
the  dark  night  down  the  Mississippi,  the  silence, 
the  wildness  of  the  scenery,  the  intense  excitement 
and  anxiety  lest  his  efforts  should  be  too  late,  made 
the  deepest  impression  upon  his  own  imagination 
and   memory.     Years  after,  in  the  palace  of   St. 
Cloud,  the  scene  came    back  to  him  with  all   its 
vividness,  and  he  compared  the  timid  Seine  with 
the  mighty  Mississippi  and  the  even  more  mighty 
Missouri,  remembering  how  he  was  whirled  along 
through  the  night  on  a  race  for  peace  and  the  lives 
of  his  people.1 

1  Three  Hours  at  St.  Cloud,  by  an  American. 


GOVERNOR   OF  MICHIGAN  TERRITORY.      127 

During  these  latter  years  he  had  opportunity  for 
literary  work  and  for  a  more  general  interest  in 
politics.  He  was  summoned  to  cooperate  with 
Governor  Clark  in  outlining  for  the  government  a 
plan  for  the  treatment  of  the  Indians  and  for  the 
rearrangement  of  the  concerns  of  the  Indian  de 
partment.  The  Territory,  now  independent  and 
eager  for  advancement,  appreciated  his  work  and 
honored  him.  In  1831  he  was  called  to  leave  his 
tasks  in  the  Northwest  and  to  take  his  part  in  the 
broader  fields  of  national  politics  and  administra 
tion. 

The  great  factor  in  his  successful  administration 
was  honesty.  That  there  was  scrupulous  honesty 
in  the  business  of  the  Territory  needs  no  proof. 
But  fair,  honorable  dealing  with  the  Indians  was 
a  rarer  virtue,  and  in  this  he  never  faltered.  He 
was  wont  to  say  in  after  years  that  he  never  broke 
his  word  to  an  Indian  and  never  expected  to  find 
that  the  red  man  had  broken  his.  Every  exertion 
was  made  to  have  the  funds  and  the  allowances 
ready  upon  the  day  upon  which  they  had  been 
promised.  Promptness  and  boldness  in  action,  a 
firm  self-reliance,  a  presumption  that  the  power  of 
the  United  States  was  mighty  and  would  be  obeyed, 
appealed  to  the  Indian  sense  of  awe  and  reverence. 
Treaties  were  negotiated  with  fairness,  and  he 
warned  the  general  government  that  if  benignant 
peace  was  to  smile  upon  the  Northwest,  the  letter  of 
the  agreement  must  be  fulfilled.  He  did  not  seek 
to  secure  the  greatest  possible  advantage  in  the 


128  LEWIS   CASS. 

present  without  looking  to  the  future  or  without 
considering  the  equities  of  the  case.  He  informed 
the  department  at  Washington  that  neither  justice 
nor  the  policy  of  far-seeing  wisdom  would  prompt 
him  or  them  to  take  advantage  of  temporary  wants 
and  sufferings.  He  not  only  strove  to  carry  out 
every  promise  or  understanding  with  an  Indian  in 
the  most  liberal  fashion,  but  he  included  in  his 
treaties  plans  for  the  betterment  of  the  race  and 
for  attracting  them  to  peace  and  civilization.  Their 
beloved  fire-water  was  the  Indians'  curse.  He  took 
every  available  opportunity  to  induce  them  to  give 
up  its  use.  At  Prairie  du  Chien  he  addressed  the 
assembled  braves  on  the  sin  and  folly  of  drunk 
enness,  and  to  point  his  moral  by  showing  that 
stinginess  was  not  actuating  him,  he  broke  in  the 
heads  of  several  casks  and  allowed  the  liquor  to 
rush  out  upon  the  ground  amid  the  despairing  cries 
of  the  thirsty  warriors.  His  keen  eye  was  ever 
on  the  watch  for  those  who  were  seeking  to  violate 
the  law,  cheat  the  childish  red  man,  and  give  him 
the  cursed  drink. 

The  respect  and  even  affection  which  the  In 
dians  had  for  their  "  Great  Father  at  Detroit  " 
was  often  manifested,  and  once  felt  was  not  forgot 
ten.  Twenty-five  years  after  his  governorship  was 
ended,  he  came  unexpectedly  into  a  meeting  of 
Indian  chiefs  in  Detroit ;  in  a  moment,  forgetting 
the  object  of  their  conference  and  losing  their 
stoical  dignity,  they  crowded  around  him  to  grasp 
the  hand  from  which  they  had  received  so  many 


GOVERNOR  OF  MICHIGAN  TERRITORY        129 

favors.1  For  he  had  always  stood  ready  to  help 
them  and  to  treat  them  with  kindness.  During 
many  years  after  the  war,  when  they  had  once  been 
brought  into  subjection,  they  were  continually  in 
Detroit,  often  with  frank  curiosity  or  open  friend 
ship  making  their  way  unannounced  into  his  house, 
and  expecting  to  be  met  with  courtesy.  They 
made  large  and  unexpected  demands  upon  a  gen 
erous  hospitality ;  for  the  British  across  the  river 
would  often  welcome  the  chiefs  to  their  tables,  and 
it  would  not  do  for  the  governor,  who  appreciated 
their  sensitive  natures,  to  rebuff  them  openly.  His 
tact,  careful  study  of  Indian  nature,  his  punctilious 
respect  for  his  word,  his  dignity,  his  kindness,  all 
display  themselves  in  brilliant  contrast  with  many 
of  the  brutal  dishonesties  which  have  given  "  Ra- 
mona  "and  such  sentimentality  more  than  a  fanci 
ful  foundation. 

1  Young's  Life  of  Lewis  Cass. 


CHAPTER  V. 

SECRETARY   OF   WAR. 

THE  dissolution  of  President  Jackson's  first  Cab 
inet  occasioned  great  excitement  throughout  the 
country.  It  was  considered  high-handed  and  au 
tocratic.  Former  presidents  had  retained  their 
cabinet  officers,  except  when  necessity  dictated  a 
change,  and  only  in  the  case  of  the  elder  Adams 
had  there  been  anything  like  a  sudden  reorganiza 
tion  after  the  administration  had  fairly  begun. 
This  reconstruction,  however,  was  arranged  with 
some  skill,  with  something  of  the  deftness  that 
might  be  expected  where  the  shrewd  Van  Buren 
was  concerned  —  so  deftly,  indeed,  that  it  was  not 
at  first  evident  why  the  resignations  were  given  or 
what  was  the  animus  of  the  whole  affair.  In  fact, 
two  causes  cooperated.  The  President  discovered, 
by  a  disclosure  from  the  piqued  Crawford,  that 
Calhoun,  to  whose  interests  part  of  the  Cabinet 
was  devoted,  had  some  twelve  years  before  been  in 
favor  of  punishing  him  for  his  conduct  in  the  Sem- 
inole  difficulty,  and  for  his  unwarranted  proceed 
ings  in  Florida.  Jackson  never  forgave.  From 
this  time  forth  Calhoun  was  his  enemy.  The  gen 
eral's  mind  was  so  constituted  that  no  one  could 


SECRETARY  OF  WAR.  131 

occupy  middle  ground ;  whoever  was  not  for  him 
was  against  him.  Those  in  the  Cabinet  who  could 
consider  with  any  degree  of  complacency  the  prob 
able  succession  of  the  Carolinian  to  the  presidency 
were,  in  his  view,  unfit  to  be  his  advisers,  and  ab 
solutely  incapable  of  fair  and  honorable  service. 
The  warrior  President  was  in  a  continual  contest 
with  persons.  Persons'  principles,  not  principles 
per  se,  always  filled  the  lens  of  his  vision.  The 
cabinet  ministers  devoted  to  Calhoun  were  there 
fore  regarded  by  Jackson  not  only  as  personal  en 
emies,  but  as  hostile  to  his  administration. 

But,  possibly,  a  much  more  trivial  and  absurd 
reason  had  even  greater  influence  in  bringing  about 
the  transformation.  The  President,  with  all  the 
energy  of  an  old  Indian  fighter,  espoused  the  cause 
of  Mrs.  Eaton,  the  wife  of  his  secretary  of  war,  and 
insisted  that  she  should  be  received  within  the 
charmed  circle  of  Washington  society.  The  victor 
of  New  Orleans  discovered,  however,  that  mere 
forcible  denunciation  would  not  penetrate  into  the 
holy  precincts  or  break  down  the  strong  barriers  of 
social  prejudice.  Mrs.  Calhoun,  with  quiet  deter 
mination,  refused  to  meet  Mrs.  Eaton  or  to  recog 
nize  her  as  an  equal,  and  declined  to  be  commanded 
in  her  social  intercourse  by  mandates  from  the 
White  House.  The  wives  of  several  members  of 
the  Cabinet  as  quietly  and  firmly  upheld  their  inde 
pendence,  while  Van  Buren,  the  courtly  widower, 
ingratiated  himself  with  the  President  by  bestow 
ing  on  the  social  outcast  his  sweetest  smiles  and 


132  LEWIS   CASS. 

studied  attentions.  It  is  a  curious  commentary  on 
the  dignity  of  free  government  that,  by  careful 
politeness  to  a  woman,  to  whose  skirts  still  clung 
the  dust  of  an  ambiguous  past,  the  secretary  of 
state  was  enabled  to  become  the  recognized  heir- 
apparent  of  a  great  popular  hero,  who,  as  the 
"  tribune  "  of  the  common  people,  had  begun  a 
"  reign  "  of  arrogance  and  anger. 

Jackson  was  incapable  of  discerning  the  relative 
importance  of  things.  He  lived  on  a  dead  level  of 
intensity ;  every  matter  which  enlisted  his  sympa 
thies  or  aroused  his  attention  was  of  tragic  import. 
He  fought  "  Peggy  "  Eaton's  battles  with  the  same 
burning  vigor  he  had  used  against  the  British  at 
New  Orleans  or  the  Spaniards  and  Indians  of 
Florida.  He  threatened  to  send  home  the  minister 
from  Holland  "  and  his  wife,"  because  the  Dutch 
dame  had  treated  his  secretary's  wife  with  scant 
courtesy,  by  refusing  to  sit  by  her  at  the  ball  given 
by  the  Russian  minister.  He  swore  that  justice 
must  be  done,  acted  the  "  roaring  lion,"  and  inti 
mated,  through  the  medium  of  Colonel  Johnson, 
that  at  least  when  large  parties  were  given,  Mrs. 
Eaton  must  be  invited,  if  the  Cabinet  was  to  retain 
its  present  composition  ;  he  would  "  be  cut  into 
inch  pieces  on  the  rack  "  before  he  would  allow 
either  Major  Eaton  or  his  wife  to  be  injured  by 
vile  calumnies  ;  for  the  woman  was  pure  and  inno 
cent  as  a  babe,  and  he  would  show  foreign  minis 
ters  and  cabinet  officers  that  persecution  and  con 
spiracy  would  not  be  tolerated.1 

1  Niles's  Register,  vol.  xl.  p.  377  fl. 


SECRETARY   OF   WAR.  133 

Early  in  1831  a  reorganization  of  the  Cabinet 
was  determined  upon ;  for  the  Eaton  difficulty  was 
much  too  stimulating  to  the  presidential  temper, 
and  Calhoun's  hopes  of  the  succession  must  be 
crushed  by  depriving  of  public  office  and  influence 
those  who  might  favor  him.  As  early  as  1829  the 
canny  ones  among  the  politicians  had  begun  in 
trigues  in  favor  of  the  secretary  of  state,  and  he 
himself  had  by  this  time  taken  Jackson's  heart  by 
storm.  His  assiduous  attentions  to  Mrs.  Eaton,  his 
deference  and  continual  kindness  were  of  much 
more  value  than  even  his  considerable  ability  in 
statesmanship.  His  coolness  and  calmness,  his 
quiet  and  affable  manners,  the  unruffled  composure 
with  which  he  smiled  at  the  important  trivialities 
which  vexed  the  irritable  general,  endeared  him  to 
the  old  warrior,  whose  nerves  were  quieted  by  the 
secretary's  soothing  presence.  It  was  impossible 
to  rave  and  pace  the  floor  and  invoke  anything 
"  eternal "  or  transient  while  this  placid  gentleman 
was  sitting  by  in  serene  silence.  Eaton  resigned 
April  7, 1831.  Van  Buren  followed  on  April  llth, 
with  a  letter  admirably  adapted  to  conceal  the  real 
reason  for  his  withdrawal,  while  it  set  forth  mod 
estly  the  fact  of  his  own  future  candidacy  for  the 
presidency,  which  "disturbing  topic"  he  had  in 
vain  attempted  to  "  discountenance."  1  Barry,  the 
postmaster-general,  was  asked  to  remain.  The  other 
three,  who  were  known  as  "  Calhoun  men,"  were  not 
in  the  best  of  humor,  and  did  not  appreciate  Van 

1  Niles's  Register,  vol.  xl.  43. 


134  LEWIS   CASS. 

Buren's  suggestion  that  the  Cabinet  should  be  a 
unit.  Ingham,  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  and 
Branch,  the  secretary  of  the  navy,  tendered  their 
resignations  on  the  19th,  but  they  made  at  the  same 
time  the  distinct  statement  that  they  understood  at 
last  that  their  presence  in  the  Cabinet  was  no  longer 
desired.  Berrien  retired  from  the  office  of  attor 
ney-general  on  June  15th  with  a  similar  announce 
ment.  The  newspapers  of  the  day  teemed  with 
abuse  and  recrimination.  Ingham  asserted  that 
Eaton  had  formed  a  conspiracy  to  murder  him. 
Eaton  accused  Ingham  of  wanton  insult,  and  finally 
demanded  "  satisfaction."  The  affairs  of  the  Eaton 
family  were  presented  for  general  inspection,  and 
a  most  savory  ragbag  of  old  scandal  was  opened 
for  the  gratification  of  a  keen-scented  public. 

The  new  Cabinet  was  a  very  able  one.  It  could 
be  counted  on  as  opposed  to  Calhoun  and  devoted 
to  Jackson  and  his  heir-apparent.  Undoubtedly 
the  President  profited  by  the  change.  Edward 
Livingston  of  Louisiana  became  secretary  of  state ; 
Louis  McLane  of  Delaware,  secretary  of  the  treas 
ury  ;  Levi  Woodbury  of  New  Hampshire,  secretary 
of  the  navy ;  Roger  B.  Taney  of  Maryland,  attor 
ney-general.  Barry  retained  his  position  as  post 
master-general  until  1835,  when  he  became  minis 
ter  to  Spain,  and  was  succeeded  by  Amos  Kendall, 
who,  holding  the  position  of  fourth  auditor,  had 
been  an  adviser  in  the  "kitchen  cabinet "  from  the 
beginning  of  the  administration.  It  was  intended 
that  Judge  White,  senator  from  Tennessee,  should 


SECRETARY   OF  WAR.  135 

become  secretary  of  war,  and  give  Eaton  a  chance 
to  fill  the  vacancy  in  the  Senate.  But  White  re 
fused,  and  Cass  was  offered  the  portfolio.  Kumor 
assigned  the  ex-secretary  to  Michigan  to  take 
Cass's  place,  but  he  was  finally  appointed  Governor 
of  Florida,  and  went  to  seek  consolation  for  abuse 
and  insult  in  the  everglades  of  that  wild  territory. 
In  August,  1831,  therefore,  Cass  assumed  the  duties 
of  secretary  of  war. 

National  politics  were  in  a  peculiar  condition. 
Though  he  had  lost  no  opportunity  to  keep  him 
self  informed  of  what  was  going  on  in  the  higher 
governmental  circles,  he  could  not  have  anticipated 
the  conditions  which  he  discovered.  We  are  but 
just  coming  to  an  appreciation  of  what  this  period 
signifies  in  our  development  as  a  constitutional 
state.  It  meant  that  national  politics  and  meth 
ods  were  mob  politics  and  methods.  The  trickster 
politicians  who  had  been  turning  thumb-screws 
and  pulling  wires  for  thirty  years  in  the  States 
now  transferred  their  machinery  to  a  broader  field. 
Jackson  was  not  a  demagogue.  He  sincerely  be 
lieved  in  the  doctrines  he  preached  and  in  the  sen 
timents  which  he  put  into  practice.  But  he  was 
the  conduit  pipe  through  which  flowed  into  the 
field  of  national  administration  the  tide  of  political 
proscription,  intrigue,  and  legerdemain  which  had 
been  long  triumphantly  deluging  the  States.  Van 
Buren  has  been  charged  with  introducing  the 
"  spoils  system  "  from  New  York,  where  from  the 
beginning  of  the  century  removal  from  office  fol- 


136  LEWIS   CAS8. 

lowed  change  in  party  control,  as  night  follows 
day.  But  the  fact  is  that  the  virus  was  well  on  its 
festering  way  in  the  national  system  before  Van 
Buren's  responsibility  began.  Although  the  "  Lit 
tle  Magician  "  must  have  aided  by  his  counsel  and 
given  the  benefit  of  his  experience,  no  one  man  can 
be  charged  with  the  establishment  of  the  practice 
of  spoils  distribution.  It  carne  by  natural  evolu 
tion.  The  scrambling,  punch-drinking  mob  which 
invaded  Washington  at  Jackson's  inauguration, 
besieging  his  hotel,  crowding  and  pushing  their  way 
into  the  White  House,  tipping  over  tubs  of  punch 
and  buckets  of  ices,  standing  with  muddy  hob 
nailed  shoes  on  the  damask  furniture,  thrusting 
themselves  into  the  nooks  and  corners  of  the  execu 
tive  mansion  with  the  air  of  copartners,  who  had  at 
last  an  opportunity  to  take  account  of  the  assets  of 
the  firm,  —  these  were  the  people  who  demanded 
that  aristocratic  incumbents  be  deprived  of  their 
offices  by  him  who  was  elected  as  the  representa 
tive  of  "the  people,"  the  soldier,  the  rough  and 
ready  statesman  who  despised  the  borrowed  con 
ventionalities  of  so-called  good  society.  Such  was 
the  inauguration  of  the  spoils  system.  The  offices 
of  trust  were  handed  over  to  the  men  who  brought 
the  greatest  pressure  to  bear,  and  could  make  plain 
their  political  influence  to  the  scullions  of  the 
"  kitchen  cabinet."  If  the  student  of  American 
politics  is  to  understand  the  place  which  the  spoils 
system  holds  he  must  see  that  its  introduction  was  a 
natural  phase  in  our  national  development,  not  a 


SECRETARY  OF  WAR.  137 

mere  incident  without  antecedent  causes  rooted  in 
the  past.  It  was  when  Jackson  was  installed  that 
"  the  people  "  first  realized  their  power  and  de 
manded  that  the  divinity  of  vox  populi  be  recog 
nized.  There  was  great  talk  about  "  the  people  " 
in  those  canting  years,  as  if  our  social  or  political 
system  gave  place  for  classes  or  privilege.  On  that 
notable  fourth  of  March  the  crowds  invaded  Wash 
ington  to  shout  for  a  new-found  liberty ;  a  Bastille 
of  respectability  had  fallen,  and  the  guillotine  soon 
lopped  off  the  heads  of  the  office-holding  nobility, 
who  had  too  long  lived  in  aristocratic  ease  above 
"the  people." 

The  new  Cabinet  had  a  dignity  of  its  own.  Now 
that  the  line  of  succession  was  determined  upon  and 
the  wires  laid  for  eight  years  to  come,  there  was 
not  so  much  room  for  the  back-stairs  influence.  In 
all  the  more  important  matters  of  state,  the  real 
Cabinet  worked  its  will  and  had  its  proper  influ 
ence.  Only  where  cunning  manipulation  was  ne 
cessary  for  political  prosperity  did  the  spirits  of  the 
"  kitchen  cabinet  "  introduce  their  sinister  methods. 
Jackson  himself  was  the  presiding  genius  of  his 
own  administration  and  its  mastering  spirit.  He 
came  to  his  conclusions  swiftly  and  by  instinct,  and 
although  they  were  often  tenable  only  by  the  help 
of  the  blindest  obstinacy,  his  obstinacy  was  always 
as  blind  as  the  occasion  required.  But  a  word  of 
flattery  or  the  right  insinuation  at  the  nick  of  time 
would  start  the  wheels  of  his  prejudice  in  the  direc 
tion  desired  by  a  cunning  politician.  Thus  he  was 


138  LEWIS   CAS8. 

often  influenced  and  guided  by  men  of  less  real 
ability  and  strength  of  character  than  his  own. 

The  only  Indian  war  in  the  Northwest  after 
1815  occurred  almost  immediately  after  Cass  ac 
cepted  the  war  portfolio.  Black  Hawk,  a  Sac  chief, 
refused  to  remain  in  the  reservation  beyond  the 
Mississippi.  Early  in  the  spring  of  1832  he  en 
tered  Wisconsin  and  Illinois,  and  spread  alarm  and 
consternation  through  the  West.  United  States 
troops  were  hurried  to  the  spot.  Volunteers  were 
called  from  Michigan  and  Illinois,  and  a  border 
war  was  soon  devastating  the  country.  The  War 
Department  seems  to  have  been  managed  with  alert 
ness.  Cass  had  been  too  long  acquainted  with  In 
dian  characteristics  not  to  realize  the  importance 
of  rapidity  and  the  prompt  exhibition  of  authority. 
But  the  terrible  ravages  of  the  cholera  were  added 
to  the  horrors  of  war.  The  troops  died  in  such 
numbers  that  panic  and  disease  seemed  likely  to  do 
much  greater  damage  than  any  human  enemy.  The 
dreadful  summer  of  1832  was  long  remembered  by 
the  citizens  of  the  Northwest.  A  portion  of  its 
perils  was  over  when  the  Indians  were  nearly  anni 
hilated  in  a  battle  on  August  2d.  Black  Hawk 
escaped  death,  but  was  imprisoned,  and  the  next 
year  was  shown  around  the  country  as  a  triumphal 
captive.  The  successful  administration  of  Indian 
affairs  during  Cass's  governorship,  and  the  peace 
which  prevailed  during  that  time,  lead  one  to  be 
lieve  that  had  he  still  been  governor  and  superin 
tendent  he  would  have  quieted  the  Indians  with 
out  all  the  fuss  and  flourish  of  war. 


SECRETARY  OF  WAR.  139 

The  actual  conduct  of  the  affairs  of  the  War  De 
partment  involved,  of  course,  in  the  main  a  great 
deal  of  routine  work.  But  the  details  of  that 
work  scarcely  need  to  be  given  here.  In  the  great 
questions  of  Jackson's  administration  Cass  was 
more  than  an  interested  spectator.  His  position 
brought  him  into  active  cooperation  with  the  Pres 
ident,  whose  influence  had  a  great  effect  on  his 
later  political  life. 

An  affair  more  important  to  the  country  than  an 
Indian  war  occupied  the  attention  of  his  depart 
ment  in  the  autumn  of  1832.  Calhoun's  damp 
ened  ambitions  sought  encouraging  warmth  from 
the  fires  of  state  jealousies.  The  reorganization 
of  the  Cabinet  in  opposition  to  him,  the  known  hos 
tility  of  the  President,  the  evident  drift  of  political 
favor  in  the  direction  of  Jackson  and  his  cajolers, 
quenched  his  burning  hope,  and  left  him  but  the 
ashes  of  disappointment.  His  native  State  was 
uneasy  under  a  tariff  which  seemed  to  be  all  for 
the  manufacturers  of  New  England,  and  his  zeal 
for  national  glory  gave  place  to  sectional  jealousy, 
which  now  blazed  brightly  forth.  His  whole  life 
henceforth  was  given  to  the  support  of  what  he 
thought  were  the  interests  of  his  State.  His  elab 
orate  arguments,  woven  with  greatest  care,  fur 
nished  a  protecting  garment  for  slavery.  His  keen 
eyes  were  always  endeavoring  to  pierce  the  veil  of 
the  future,  and  he  endeavored  to  show  in  prophetic 
vision  before  his  countrymen  the  weal  and  woe 
which  he  fancied  that  he  himself  discerned.  Al- 


140  LEWIS   CASS. 

though  he  seemed  to  see  farther  than  his  contem 
poraries,  the  truths  of  the  future  were  perverted 
by  his  diseased  imagination  into  falsehood,  and 
though  he  was  a  seer  he  did  not  become  a  sooth 
sayer.  When  slave  labor  comes  into  competition 
with  free  labor,  it  shows  an  economical  and  there 
fore  an  incurable  weakness.  It  is  interesting  to 
notice  that  the  first  practical  application  of  the 
doctrine  of  nullification,  the  sister  of  secession, 
came  as  the  result  of  industrial  differences  be 
tween  the  North  and  the  South.  The  most  earnest 
advocates  of  nullification  tilted  at  the  tariff  wind 
mill  as  the  cause  of  their  woes,  and  would  not 
confess,  or  did  not  see,  the  deadening  influence  of 
slavery.  The  tariff  of  1828  was  so  absurd  in  its 
provisions  that  it  fairly  won  the  epithet  "  abomina 
ble,"  but  this  act  did  not  drive  the  South  to  extreme 
measures.  It  was  left  for  the  more  moderate  and 
sensible  measure  of  1832,  which  decreased  the  reve 
nue  by  several  millions,  to  induce  South  Carolina 
to  bluster  forth  in  nullification.  Calhoun  had 
already  begun  to  print  his  finely  wrought  treatises. 
McDuffie,  on  the  floor  of  the  House,  gave  utterance 
to  the  opinion  of  his  State,  when  he  proclaimed 
that,  if  she  failed  in  the  struggle  she  was  waging, 
the  brief  days  of  American  liberty  would  be  num 
bered. 

South  Carolina  was  frantic  because  her  threats 
were  simply  neglected,  and  during  the  summer  and 
autumn  of  1832  meetings  were  held,  fiercely  de 
nouncing  protection  to  Yankee  industries,  and  pro- 


SECRETARY  OF  WAR.  141 

claiming  that  for  the  cause  of  liberty  and  honor  a 
stand  must  be  made  against  the  tyranny  of  trading 
New  England.  The  legislature,  which  was  sum 
moned  in  October,  issued  a  call  for  a  state  conven 
tion,  and  on  November  19th  the  delegates  met  at 
Columbia.  The  practical  workings  of  the  nullifi 
cation  theory  were  now  to  be  exhibited.  Cal- 
houn  saw  more  clearly  than  had  Jefferson  the  log 
ical  relationship  between  the  federal  government 
and  the  States  of  our  Union,  if  it  was  the  result  of 
a  compact  between  sovereignties.  He  saw  that  in 
the  State,  and  not  the  legislature  of  the  State, 
must  reside  this  extraordinary  power  of  nullifica 
tion  and  resistance.  Jefferson,  in  the  angry  haste 
of  politics,  propounded  a  half-formed  illogical  doc 
trine,  based  on  falsehood  and  carried  to  an  absurd 
conclusion.  Calhoun  selected  his  course  to  suit  the 
prejudices  of  "  King  Cotton,"  but  when  once  he 
had  turned  the  historical  compass  to  a  false  pole  he 
followed  its  direction  with  patient  regard  for  the 
stern  laws  of  logic.  Nullification,  as  it  showed 
itself  in  South  Carolina,  was  a  legitimate  expres 
sion  of  state-sovereignty,  and  the  method  of  its 
actual  application  was  an  illuminating  lesson  to 
those  who  had  not  followed  argument  or  appre 
ciated  the  ends  of  theory. 

A  committee  of  twenty-one,  appointed  by  Gov 
ernor  Hamilton,  who  was  president  of  the  popular 
convention,  drew  up  an  "  Ordinance,"  "  To  provide 
for  arresting  the  operation  of  certain  acts  of  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  purporting  to  be 


142  LEWIS   CA88. 

laws  laying  duties  and  imposts  on  the  importation 
of  foreign  commodities."  The  obnoxious  laws 
were  declared  null  and  void,  and  the  legislature 
was  authorized  to  adopt  such  measures  as  might  be 
necessary  to  give  full  effect  to  the  views  of  the 
convention.  All  appeals  to  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States  were  forbidden,  and  all  officers 
and  jurors  were  to  be  bound  by  oath  to  observe  the 
ordinance  and  the  laws  of  the  legislature  passed  in 
pursuance  of  it.  If  there  was  an  attempt  on  the 
part  of  the  central  government  to  enforce  the  tariff 
laws,  the  people  of  the  State,  it  was  announced, 
would  consider  themselves  absolved  from  all  further 
political  obligation  as  a  member  of  the  confederacy, 
and  would  prepare  to  do  all  the  acts  of  a  sovereign 
and  independent  community.  An  address  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States  abounded  in  mathe 
matical  and  rhetorical  figures,  whose  services  were 
invoked  to  prove  the  injustice  of  the  tariff  and  to 
portray  the  position  of  the  State.  "  We  would 
infinitely  prefer,"  proclaimed  these  inconsistent 
slave  barons,  forming  a  political  and  social  oli 
garchy,  "  that  the  territory  of  the  State  should  be 
the  cemetery  of  freemen  than  the  habitation  of 
slaves." 1  Not  till  February  1st,  however,  was 
there  to  be  a  resistance  to  the  laws  of  the  United 
States. 

It  was  boldly  done.     But   "Old  Hickory"   at 
Washington   was  prompt  and  energetic.      In  the 

1  Full  proceedings  of  convention,  Niles,  vol.  xliii.  pp.  219,  230, 
etc. 


SECRETARY  OF  WAR.  143 

heat  of  the  presidential  campaign,  when  the  people 
were  shouting  themselves  hoarse  for  their  hero,  and 
raising  tall  hickory  poles  as  party  emblems,  the 
old  general  had  turned  uneasily  toward  South  Car 
olina,  and  listened  for  premonitory  rumblings  of 
fche  earthquake.  He  did  not  waste  his  energy  in 
wringing  his  hands,  as  did  Buchanan  in  another 
fateful  crisis  in  our  history.  On  October  6th  the 
collector  of  customs  was  given  explicit  directions 
what  to  do  in  case  there  was  any  attempt  to  avoid 
payment  of  duties.  As  early  as  October  29th 
Major-general  Macomb  sent  word  to  Major  Heile- 
man,  commanding  the  troops  of  the  United  States 
in  Charleston,  that  information  received  by  the  Ex 
ecutive  suggested  the  possibility  of  an  attempt  to 
seize  the  forts,  and  the  commander  was  warned 
to  be  on  his  guard.1  Additional  troops  were  sent 
to  Fort  Moultrie,  November  7th,  and  on  the  18th 
Cass  wrote  to  General  Scott,  directing  him  to  pro 
ceed  at  once  to  Charleston  for  the  purpose  of 
examining  the  defenses,  and  to  hold  himself  in 
readiness  to  assist  the  civil  officers  of  the  United 
States,  if  occasion  should  make  it  necessary  and 
the  President  should  so  direct.  A  fortnight  later 
a  confidential  letter  from  the  War  Department 
complimented  General  Scott  on  the  discretion  and 
good  judgment  he  had  manifested.  The  following 
sentences  from  Cass's  letter  very  succinctly  state 
the  attitude  of  the  general  government  toward  the 
whole  conspiracy :  "I  cannot  but  hope  that  the 

1  American  State  Papers,  Military  Affairs,  vol.  v.  p.  158. 


144  LEWIS   CASS. 

good  sense  and  patriotism  of  the  citizens  of  South 
Carolina  will  still  prevent  the  occurrence  of  those 
consequences  which  must  result  from  the  attempt  to 
enforce  the  ordinance  recently  passed  by  the  con 
vention  of  that  State.  In  any  event,  the  President 
will  perform  his  duty,  and  only  his  duty,  under 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States." l  Rein 
forcements  were  sent  to  Charleston  on  the  4th. 

Congress  assembled  on  December  3d,  and  read  a 
very  quiet  and  restrained  message  from  the  Presi 
dent,  in  which  there  was  no  blare  from  the  trumpet 
of  war.  Yet  Jackson  was  excited  enough.  If  his 
annual  message  was  calm,  the  storm  was  to  follow. 
His  practical  sense  pierced  the  bubble  arguments 
of  the  nullifiers,  and  in  homely  phrase  he  summed 
up  the  dire  results  of  state  sovereignty.  "  If  this 
thing  goes  on,"  he  said  to  his  friend  Dale,  "  our 
country  will  be  like  a  bag  of  meal  with  both 
ends  open.  Pick  it  up  in  the  middle  or  endwise, 
and  it  will  run  out.  I  must  tie  the  bag  and  save 
the  country."  When  South  Carolina  adopted  the 
ordinance,  and  nullification  was  fairly  in  view,  he 
was  prepared  to  strike.  It  was  generally  believed 
that  he  had  made  up  his  mind  to  seize  Calhoun  on 
the  charge  of  treason,  the  instant  force  was  used 
against  the  officers  of  the  United  States,  and  many 
believed  that  the  fear  of  such  consequences  in 
fluenced  the  final  settlement  of  the  controversy. 
On  December  llth  appeared  his  celebrated  procla 
mation,  full  of  earnest,  pathetic  pleading,  strong 

1  American  State  Papers,  Military  Affairs,  vol.  v.  p.  159. 


SECRETARY  OF  WAR.  145 

assertion,  and  profound  argument.  Verbally  it  be 
longs  to  Livingston,  but  it  is  filled  with  the  spirit 
of  Jackson.  On  that  hang  his  claims  to  grateful 
remembrance.  That  he  was  instrumental  in  infect 
ing  the  body  politic  with  the  loathsome  disease  of 
spoils  distribution,  that  his  blundering  financial 
management  hastened  and  aggravated  a  disastrous 
panic,  that  under  the  fostering  wings  of  his  admin 
istration  a  whole  brood  of  evil  political  fledglings 
matured,  —  all  these  faults  will  be  forgotten  by  the 
people  who  remember  that  the  hero  of  New  Or 
leans  bruised  with  his  heel  the  hissing  head  of  nul 
lification. 

Vessels  were  sent  to  Charleston  by  the  Navy  De 
partment  in  December,  and  as  February  1st  ap 
proached  every  precaution  was  taken  by  the  War 
Department  to  prepare  for  forcible  resistance.  Cass 
wrote  to  General  Scott,  ordering  him  again  to 
Charleston  (January  26th)  to  repel  with  force  any 
attempt  to  seize  the  forts,  but  throughout  all  to  use 
the  utmost  discretion  and  self-restraint.  This  letter, 
in  some  unknown  way,  reached  the  public  press,  and 
the  contents  of  the  last  clause,  which  suggested  that 
two  places  be  examined  as  possible  strategic  points 
for  the  federal  army,  caused  considerable  excite 
ment  in  the  angered  State.  General  Scott  assures 
us,  in  his  eulogistic  autobiography,  that  if  a  spade 
had  been  put  into  the  ground  at  this  time  for  a 
new  work  beyond  Sullivan's  Island,  civil  war  would 
have  been  inaugurated  on  the  spot.  The  popular 
imagination  pictures  Jackson  raving  for  war  and 


146  LEWIS   CAS 8. 

aching  to  crush  Calhoun  and  his  fellow  -  plotters. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  he  occasionally  gave  way  to 
wrath,  and  expressed  his  opinion  with  more  vehe 
mence  than  grace  ;  it  is  perfectly  clear  that  he 
made  every  preparation  against  forcible  resistance 
to  federal  authority ;  but  it  is  just  as  clear  that  he 
was  anxious  to  avoid  a  conflict  if  possible.  The 
letters  of  Cass  at  this  period  show  very  distinctly 
the  extreme  solicitude  which  tempered  the  stern 
decision  of  the  administration.  There  is  good  rea 
son  to  believe  that  a  letter,  purporting  to  come 
"from  one  of  the  ablest  men  in  the  country," 
which  appeared  in  the  "  Richmond  Enquirer " 
under  date  of  December  13,  1832,  was  written  by 
Cass  himself  at  the  request  of  the  President. 
Artfully  suggesting  the  importance  of  Virginia, 
this  letter  proposes  that  the  Old  Dominion,  "  in  one 
of  those  forcible  appeals  she  so  well  knows  how  to 
make,"  should  urge  upon  Congress  a  great  reduc 
tion  of  the  tariff,  and  "  plead  as  a  suffering  sister 
with  wayward  South  Carolina."  1  The  suggestion 
was  followed.  Virginia,  whether  influenced  by  this 
appeal  "  from  one  of  the  ablest  men,"  or  not,  pre 
pared  to  play  the  r61e  of  umpire,  sending  B.  W. 
Leigh  as  envoy  to  Charleston.  He  was  there  re 
ceived  with  honor,  and  though  his  pleadings  prob 
ably  had  little  direct  influence,  Virginia's  interces 
sion  gave  another  excuse  for  backing  down  from 
the  high  ground  of  the  ordinance.  Such  was  un 
questionably  Jackson's  attitude.  While  presenting 

1  Smith's  Life  and  Times  of  Lewis  Cass,  p.  274. 


SECRETARY  OF  WAR.  147 

a  bold  front  and  making  every  preparation  to  de 
fend  federal  property  and  execute  federal  law,  while 
angry  with  all  the  heat  of  his  choleric  nature  at 
the  nullifying  conspirators,  while  every  warlike 
impulse  was  opposed  to  capitulation  with  a  state  in 
arms,  he  nevertheless  had  a  fervent  love  for  the 
Union,  of  which  even  his  own  unreasoning  wrath 
could  not  deprive  him. 

The  end  of  the  controversy  can  be  stated  in  a 
word.  Pending  conciliatory  measures  on  the  part 
of  the  general  government,  the  time  for  putting  the 
nullifying  laws  into  practical  operation  was  post 
poned.  The  President,  in  a  message  issued  Janu 
ary  16th,  asked  Congress  to  make  certain  regula 
tions  with  regard  to  the  customs  districts,  and  to 
authorize  the  use  of  the  military  force  for  the  pur 
pose  of  protecting  and  assisting  the  civil  officers  in 
the  discharge  of  their  duties.  A  bill  drafted  to 
meet  these  suggestions  was  introduced  into  Con 
gress.  Perfectly  right  on  every  constitutional  and 
political  ground,  such  a  proposition  was  received 
with  some  dismay  by  conservative  lovers  of  peace, 
and  the  bill  as  drafted  soon  labored  under  unpop 
ular  epithets,  and  was  commonly  known  as  the 
"force  bill  "  or  "  bloody  bill."  Verplanck,  a  rep 
resentative  from  New  York,  had  already  intro 
duced  nto  the  House  a  measure  for  the  reduction 
of  the  tariff.  This  was  so  sweeping  in  its  provi 
sions  that  it  meant  practically  an  abandonment  of 
the  protective  policy  and  a  complete  surrender  to 
South  Carolina.  Clay,  the  great  compromiser, 


148  LEWIS   CASS. 

now  came  forward,  February  12th,  with  a  plan  for 
a  gradual  reduction  of  the  revenue.  Great  was 
the  consternation  at  the  North  when  the  father  of 
the  "  American  System  "  was  beheld  preparing  to 
murder  his  own  child  by  slow  poison.  Manufac 
turers  hastened  to  Washington  to  prevent  such 
action ;  but  some  saw  their  danger,  and  remained 
to  advocate  the  passage  of  the  measure.  It  was 
passed  side  by  side  with  the  "force  bill."  Both 
were  signed  by  the  President  on  March  2d,  and 
thus  with  mingled  threats  and  coaxings  the  petu 
lant  State  was  won  back  to  obedience.  On  the 
whole,  it  was  a  shameful  victory  for  state  impu 
dence.  Although  the  "  force  bill "  was  passed,  and 
Jackson  upheld  the  national  dignity,  nullification 
accomplished  its  purpose,  —  the  reduction  of  the 
tariff.  The  objectionable  ordinance  was  repealed 
by  South  Carolina,  but  at  the  same  time  she  pro 
claimed  the  "  force  bill  "  null  and  void  within  her 
limits. 

This  was  an  instructive  period  in  the  life  of 
Cass.  He  completed  his  fiftieth  year  in  the  midst 
of  the  controversy,  and  as  yet  he  had  seen  very  lit 
tle  of  national  politics.  The  long  years  of  his 
governorship  had  been  spent  in  active  management 
of  local  concerns,  or  in  long  journeys  through  the 
wilderness.  His  constant  reading  had  made  him 
more  familiar  with  questions  of  national  politics 
than  most  men  would  have  been  had  they  spent  a 
score  of  years  in  a  frontier  settlement,  where  for  a 
considerable  period  even  newspapers,  with  their 


SECRETARY  OF  WAR.  149 

stale  news,  came  late  and  irregularly  through  the 
mails.  His  first  practical  training  in  national  poli 
tics  he  received  in  the  stern  Jacksonian  school,  a 
school  whose  cardinal  regulations  possessed  a  mis 
chievous  inconsistency.  Love  for  the  Union,  ha 
tred  of  foreign  aggression,  championship  of  popu 
lar  rights,  spoils  distribution,  machine  politics, 
were  badly  mingled ;  strict  construction  of  the 
Constitution  struggled  in  equal  conflict  with  a  reck 
less  abuse  of  power ;  and  high-handed  interference 
was  supported  by  appeals  to  the  "  people,"  who  are 
unknown  in  our  political  system  except  as  they 
express  their  will  by  constitutional  and  prescribed 
methods.  Cass  did  not  forget  the  stand  taken 
against  nullification.  From  this  time  he  was  a 
radical  Jacksonian  Democrat.  The  success  of  the 
administration  in  its  foreign  relations  also  met  with 
his  approbation,  and  increased  the  feeling  which  he 
already  had,  that  our  country  should  present  a  bold 
front  to  other  nations.  Jackson  won  his  deepest 
admiration,  and  inspired  him  with  the  love  which 
the  peremptory  old  general  seemed  often  to  force 
upon  those  about  him  by  his  indefinable  grace,  and 
by  an  unexpected  and  curiously  vigorous  sweetness 
in-the-rough. 

In  1833  Jackson  went  north  on  a  tour  for  rec 
reation  and  applause.  Cass  accompanied  him. 
Crowds  cheered  the  tough  old  general  who  had 
just  put  down  nullification.  Cities  tendered  him 
their  freedom  and  the  mob  went  wild.  The  aristo 
crats  averted  their  faces,  but  the  popular  enthusiasm 


150  LEWIS   CAS8. 

was  undoubted.  Harvard,  to  the  disgust  of  the 
learned,  dubbed  his  illiterate  excellency  Doctor  of 
Laws.  From  these  scenes  of  merry-making  and 
exultation,  and  before  the  exhausting  itinerary  was 
finished,  the  President  hurried  home,  on  the  plea 
of  illness,  to  strike  another  blow  at  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States.  It  is  possible  that  he  was  moved  by 
proper  motives.  But  sheer  malice  against  Nicho 
las  Bid  die  and  his  moneyed  monster  was  probably 
the  chief  cause.  With  a  reckless  indifference  to 
the  effect  on  the  business  of  the  country,  an  indif 
ference  which  arose  from  a  complete  ignorance  of 
the  laws  of  finance  and  the  sensitive  nature  of 
capital,  he  dashed  into  a  contest  with  the  national 
bank  as  if  he  were  hunting  Indians  in  the  swamps 
of  Florida.  By  law,  the  public  funds  were  to  be 
deposited  in  the  bank,  subject  to  removal  by  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  who  was  to  give  his 
reasons  to  Congress  in  case  of  removal.  Jackson 
determined  upon  a  removal  of  the  deposits  and  a 
distribution  of  the  money  among  the  various  state 
banks.  He  had  difficulty  in  getting  his  Cabinet  to 
agree  to  this.  Duane,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury,  was  determined  to  stand  on  what  he  consid 
ered  his  prerogative,  and  refused  to  remove  the 
deposits  at  the  President's  request.  He  was  dis 
missed,  and  Taney  was  transferred  to  the  Treasury, 
ready  to  do  Jackson's  bidding  and  elaborately  to 
defend  his  action.  McLane,  who  in  thte  early  part 
of  the  year  had  been  transferred  from  the  Treasury 
Department  to  that  of  State,  and  had  all  along 


SECRETARY  OF  WAR.  151 

been  averse  to  a  removal  of  the  deposits,  was  still 
strongly  opposed  to  the  measure.  He  wished  to  re 
sign,  but  was  dissuaded.  On  September  23d  Cass 
made  an  appointment  with  Lewis  to  discuss  the 
matter.  Lewis  was  the  head  of  the  "  kitchen  cabi 
net,"  the  familiar  of  Jackson.  "  He  commenced  the 
conversation,"  l  wrote  Lewis,  "  by  remarking  that 
his  object  in  desiring  to  see  me  before  I  left  was  to 
inform  me  that  he  had  determined  to  resign  his 
seat  in  the  Cabinet,  and  wished  to  converse  with 
me  upon  the  subject  before  he  handed  his  letter  of 
resignation  to  the  President.  He  said  he  differed 
with  the  President  with  regard  to  the  measures 
which  were  about  to  be  adopted  for  the  removal  of 
the  public  deposits  from  the  United  States  Bank, 
and  as  his  remaining  in  the  Cabinet  might  embar 
rass  his  operations,  he  owed  it,  he  thought,  both  to 
himself  and  the  President,  to  withdraw."  Lewis 
urged  him  to  acquaint  Jackson  with  his  intention 
before  he  actually  resigned,  and  the  result  of  the 
interview  between  the  secretary  and  his  chief  was 
that  Cass  was  asked  to  remain,  with  the  under 
standing  that  the  responsibility  for  the  act  should 
rest,  not  with  the  Cabinet,  but  with  the  President 
alone.  In  a  later  Cabinet  meeting,  when  asked  his 
opinion  of  the  measure,  Cass  simply  and  frankly 
said :  "  You  know,  sir,  I  have  always  thought  that 
the  matter  rests  entirely  with  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury." 

The  political  affiliations  of  the  new  West  during 

1  Parton's  Jackson,  vol.  iii.  p.  501. 


152  LEWIS   CAS8. 

these  years  are  evident.  Michigan  was  a  Territory 
struggling  vehemently  until  1837  for  admission. 
Her  last  successful  efforts  were  stimulated,  perhaps, 
by  a  hope  that  if  she  was  admitted  to  the  Union  a 
small  rill  from  the  plethoric  national  treasury  would 
trickle  into  her  ready  coffers.  Party  organization 
on  national  lines  was  hardly  known  as  yet.  On  all 
great  questions  the  people  naturally  belonged  with 
their  brethren  of  New  York  and  New  England ;  but 
of  course  there  was  great  admiration  among  the  poor 
settlers  for  the  "  man  of  the  people,"  and  Michigan 
may  be  counted  in  the  line  of  Democratic  States  un 
til  the  slavery  question  offered  a  great  moral  issue. 
There  were  occasional  backslidings  from  the  true 
Democratic  faith.  The  hard  times  which  followed 
the  financial  disasters  of  1837  turned  people  against 
"the  little  magician,"  whose  magic  wand  had 
lost  its  cunning.  The  people  of  Michigan  shouted 
themselves  hoarse  for  Harrison  and  "  hard  cider  " 
in  1840,  and  the  State  was  carried  by  the  Whigs 
by  some  2,000  as  against  a  majority  of  3,000  for 
Van  Buren  in  1836,  when  the  vote  of  the  quasi 
State  was  only  about  one  fourth  of  what  it  was  four 
years  later.  But  it  will  be  noticed  that  in  1840 
Harrison  was  the  popular  hero  the  stalwart  "  Old 
Tip ;  "  "  Matty  "  Van  Buren  was  the  aristocrat  of 
the  White  House,  who  was  rolling  in  wealth  and 
supping  from  golden  spoons,  while  the  people  who 
had  elected  him  were  starving.  The  students  of  our 
politics  have  not  fully  confessed  the  efficiency  of 
poverty  as  a  political  motor.  Our  practical  poli- 


SECRETARY  OF  WAR.  153 

ticians  in  these  latter  days  have  carefully  conned  the 
lessons  of  the  past,  and  cover  up  most  dexterously 
any  advantage  their  candidate  may  have  by  reason 
of  superior  education  or  the  ability  inherited  from 
good  ancestry. 

In  the  other  States  of  the  Northwest  somewhat 
similar  courses  can  be  traced,  varied  by  the  pecul 
iarities  of  their  settlement.  Ohio,  with  her  strong 
eastern  flavor,  inclined  with  some  constancy  to 
whiggery.  Of  the  Northwestern  States,  Illinois 
alone  in  1840  clung  by  a  small  majority  to  the  fail 
ing  cause  of  Jacksonism,  and  cast  its  electoral  votes 
for  Van  Buren.  But  that  State  had  all  along  been 
peculiarly  Democratic.  It  had  a  strong  southern 
element.  Many  of  the  poor  whites  pushed  their  way 
north  over  the  prairies  of  Illinois.  From  1826  every 
general  election  resulted  in  favor  of  Jackson  and  his 
party  until  the  old  general  went  into  restless  retire 
ment  at  the  Hermitage.  Doubtless  the  persistency 
of  Illinois  in  her  political  course  can  be  attributed 
largely  to  this  strong  southern  element.  But  it 
would  be  anticipating  later  political  divisions  to 
attribute  such  Democratic  affiliation  entirely  to  the 
southern  settlers.  Jacksonian  Democracy  was  the 
political  faith  of  the  masses,  of  those  most  easily  in 
fluenced  by  the  tricks  of  the  politician  and  the  wire 
puller.  "  The  people  "  were  Democrats,  from  what 
ever  part  of  the  country  they  came.  Cook  County, 
which  was  settled  by  Yankees,  pushing  and  vigorous 
men,  did  not  fall  behind  the  settlers  of  southern 
Illinois  in  zeal  for  Democracy.  This  county  was 


154  LEWIS  CASS. 

Democratic  even  in  1844,  casting  2,027  votes  for 
Polk  and  only  117  for  Clay.  Democracy  was 
firmly  planted  and  unbending.  Party  lines  at  first 
were  not  closely  drawn,  but  there  was  no  hope  for 
the  man  who  was  opposed  to  the  "  man  of  the  peo 
ple."  The  campaigns  were  conducted  in  that  new 
western  country  in  a  manner  which  leads  us  to  look 
with  more  'equanimity  upon  the  vices  of  modern 
politics.  The  saloons  in  the  county  seats  were 
chartered  by  the  candidates  for  popular  favors  ; 
whiskey  in  vast  quantities  heightened  the  fervor  of 
the  people,  whose  voice  was  to  be  the  voice  of  God. 
Governor  Ford,  who  was  an  interested  spectator  on 
these  occasions,  tells  us  of  a  minister  of  the  gos 
pel  whose  "  morality  was  not  of  the  pinched  kind 
which  prevented  him  from  using  all  the  common 
arts  of  a  candidate  for  office."  He  went  forth  to 
election  with  a  Bible  in  one  pocket  and  a  bottle 
of  whiskey  in  the  other,  prepared  to  make  himself 
agreeable  to  all.  So  fully  had  the  people  adopted 
the  creed  of  "  Old  Hickory  "  that  we  are  told  that 
Democrats  were  divided  in  that  pork-packing  State 
into  "  whole  hog  "  Jackson  men  and  nominal  Jack 
son  men.1  The  people  had  come  into  the  West  in 
order  to  better  their  condition,  and  politics  were 
considered  by  many  a  legitimate  road  to  bodily 
comfort.  Few  seemed  to  realize  that  they  were 
laying  the  foundations  of  a  great  commonwealth; 
but  the  race  of  politicians  developed,  as  in  the 
East.  The  politician  "  for  revenue  only  "  prac- 

1  Ford's  History  of  Illinois,  p.  105. 


SECRETARY  OF  WAR.  155 

ticed  his  clever  tactics,  and  early  in  the  history  of 
these  frontier  States  wires  were  laid  as  skillfully  as 
in  the  more  populous  States  of  the  coast.  The  peo 
ple,  on  the  whole,  took  far  more  interest  in  politics 
than  in  political  principles. 

The  Western  States  developed  rapidly  during 
these  years.  The  craze  for  internal  improvement 
left  some  good  behind,  and  the  wild  speculation  in 
land  drew  immigrants  into  the  country  by  thou 
sands.  Steamers  on  the  lakes  were  crowded  with 
families  on  their  way  to  Michigan  and  the  West. 
Ninety  steamers  arrived  at  Detroit  in  May,  1836, 
crowded  with  new  settlers  and  with  those  who  were 
anxious  to  speculate  in  the  western  lands.  Land 
sales  were  enormous.  The  roads  in  the  interior  of 
Michigan  were  thronged  with  wagons.  The  immi 
grants  of  this  period  were,  as  before,  chiefly  from 
New  York  and  New  England.  Others,  from  Ire 
land  and  Germany,  however,  began  about  1832  to 
find  their  way  in  small  numbers  into  the  West. 

One  other  matter  of  importance  remains  to  be 
discussed  in  this  period  of  Cass's  life.  The  re 
moval  of  the  Florida  Indians  to  reservations  west 
of  the  Mississippi  was  carefully  considered  by  Cass 
as  soon  as  he  became  secretary.  He  had  long  con 
templated  the  desirability  of  such  a  plan.  No  one 
better  understood  the  condition  of  the  red  man  in 
the  Northwest,  or  more  keenly  appreciated  the  dif 
ficulties  of  the  Indian  problem.  His  work  in 
Michigan  amply  proves  his  fairness  and  honesty, 
his  humanity  and  sympathy.  In  1830  he  wrote 


156  LEWIS   CASS. 

for  the  "  North  American  Review  "  a  long  article 
on  the  subject  of  removal.  It  is  candid  in  its  tone 
and  exhaustive  in  treatment,  pointing  out  the  woeful 
condition  of  the  Indians  in  their  present  situation, 
picturing  their  degradation  as  victims  to  the  vices 
of  Christian  civilization.  He  contended  that  they 
must  be  removed,  and  that  speedily,  if  a  remnant 
was  to  be  saved.  He  showed  no  sympathy  for  the 
maudlin  sentimentality  which  would  weep  over  the 
sorrows  of  the  noble  warrior  and  suggest  no  rem 
edy  for  evident  evils. 

Later  animosity  has  declared  that  the  whole 
plan  of  removing  the  southern  Indians  was  one  of 
the  satanic  wiles  of  the  slaveholder.  But  it  will 
not  do  to  antedate  political  motive.  The  planters 
did  wish  to  get  possession  of  the  land  held  by  the 
Creeks  and  Seminoles,  and  the  planter  was  a  slave 
holder.  But  there  is  no  need  of  attributing  the 
desire  to  the  political  greed  of  the  slavocracy. 
This  error  is  more  plainly  illustrated  by  an  earlier 
instance.  Calhoun's  plan,  when  secretary  of  war 
under  Monroe,  to  remove  the  Indians  of  New  York 
into  the  western  part  of  Michigan  Territory,  now 
Wisconsin,  has  been  seriously  referred,  not  to  a 
desire  to  release  New  York,  but  to  a  wish  to  bur 
den  the  free  Northwest  and  retard  its  development. 
It  is  true  that  the  contradictory  interests  of  North 
and  South  came  out  pretty  clearly  in  the  Missouri 
compromise  discussion  ;  but  it  is  anticipating  later 
politics  and  entirely  misconstruing  the  growth  of 
Calhoun  as  a  statesman  and  a  slavocrat  to  think 


SECRETARY  OF  WAR.  157 

that  he  or  any  one  foresaw  in  1820  the  whole  drift 
of  southern  efforts  to  obtain  room  for  slavery  ex 
tension.  It  is  just  as  much  the  part  of  folly  to 
announce  that  Cass  was  a  "  doughface  "  in  1831, 
pandering  to  southern  prejudices  and  bending  a 
pliable  conscience,  as  it  is  to  state  that  his  good 
sense  in  1820  concerning  the  removal  of  the  New 
York  Indians  was  due  to  a  desire  to  circumvent  a 
plan  of  a  plotting  slaveholder.  He  was  a  western 
man,  not  a  southerner,  and  his  action  was  a  western 
action,  based  on  western  appreciation  of  the  In 
dian  character  and  of  the  relation  of  the  tribes  to 
the  general  government. 

The  idea  of  removing  the  Indians  was,  as  Ben- 
ton  says,  as  old  as  Jefferson.  It  had  been  dis 
cussed  at  various  times.  Monroe,  in  his  annual 
message  in  1824,  set  forth  the  desirability  of  trans 
porting  them  into  the  West.  Cass  elaborated  a 
plan  in  his  first  report  in  1831.  He  believed 
that  the  Indians  would  be  better  off  if  freed  from 
the  influence  of  the  whites.  He  feared  the  practi 
cal  application  of  the  doctrine  announced  by  the 
Supreme  Court,  that  a  tribe  within  the  limits  of 
the  State  was  exempt  from  state  control ;  he  real 
ized  that  the  executive  and  the  court  were  at  vari 
ance  on  the  subject,  and  that  a  uniform  basis  of 
management  ought  to  be  determined  upon  if  possi 
ble.  It  is  apparent  that  he  sided  with  the  Presi 
dent  in  maintaining  the  authority  of  the  executive 
as  a  "  coordinate  branch  of  the  government,"  and 
perhaps  thought  that,  as  far  as  it  affected  a  present 


158  LEWIS   CA88. 

practical  question,  Jackson  was  right  in  his  famous 
opposition  to  the  judiciary :  "  John  Marshall  has 
given  his  judgment,  let  him  enforce  it  if  he  can." 
Indeed,  Cass  the  next  year,  March,  1832,  seems 
to  have  printed  an  exhaustive  argument  in  the 
"  Globe,"  attempting  to  prove  that  the  Supreme 
Court  was  wrong  and  Jackson  was  right  in  the 
Cherokee  matter.  "  When  a  solemn  and  final  de 
cision  was  pronounced,  and  Georgia  refused  to  obey 
the  decree  of  the  court,  no  reproof  for  her  refrac 
tory  spirit  was  heard ;  on  the  contrary,  a  learned 
review  of  the  decision  came  out,  attributed  to  exec 
utive  countenance  and  favor." l  When  one  of  the 
Cabinet  spent  his  time  in  writing  a  long  refutation 
of  a  judicial  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court,  affairs 
of  state  were  assuredly  in  a  badly  mixed  condition. 
But  the  Jackson  ian  party  was  a  creature  more  curi 
ous  than  any  curiosity  of  mythology ;  although  its 
body  and  legs  were  popular  sovereignty  and  mob 
democracy,  the  head  and  arms  were  monarchical 
arrogance  and  the  invincible  obstinacy  of  self- 
reliance. 

We  need  not  go  into  the  woeful  scenes  which 
resulted  from  the  effort  to  remove  the  Creeks  and 
Seminoles.  As  in  other  difficulties  of  this  kind,  the 
wrong  was  not  all  on  one  side.  Sentimental  igno 
rance  alone  represents  the  cruel  Oceola  as  a  noble 
brave,  fighting  with  generous  patriotism  for  the 
lands  of  his  family  and  the  graves  of  his  sires. 
On  the  other  hand,  no  one  can  look  upon  this 

1  From  a  speech  by  Mr.  Miller,  in  Senate,  1833. 


SECRETARY  OF  WAR.  159 

scene  from  the  history  of  a  slave-owning  country 
without  feelings  of  shame  and  indigation.  Before 
there  was  any  excuse  far  war,  the  slave  dealers 
were  too  anxious  to  get  control  of  the  negroes  of 
the  Seminoles.  Actual  hostilities  were  begun  by 
a  wanton  outrage ;  the  wife  of  Oceola  was  seized 
as  the  daughter  of  a  slave,  and  was  carried  away 
into  slavery.  Oceola's  vengeance  was  felt,  and  he 
was  captured  by  treachery.  One  who  respects  his 
country  shrinks  from  poking  into  the  slime  of  the 
disgraceful  contest,  where  our  government  became 
a  trafficker  in  human  flesh,  and  used  its  power  in 
behalf  of  the  lowest  passions  of  man.  Had  it  not 
been  for  the  shameful  greed  of  the  slave  dealer, 
who  longed  to  get  possession  of  the  negroes  who 
were  either  held  in  slavery  by  the  Seminoles  or 
lived  with  them  on  terms  of  equality,  the  course  of 
the  war  would  have  been  different  and  the  contest 
more  honorable.  But  these  human  vampires  re 
spected  no  treaties  and  regarded  no  rights.  In  the 
end,  the  war  was  not  successful.  After  the  expen 
diture  of  not  less  than  130,000,000  and  the  loss  of 
many  lives,  after  eight  years  of  slave  chasing  and 
Indian  hunting  in  the  miasmic  swamps  and  ever 
glades,  under  the  torrid  sun  of  Florida,  the  gov 
ernment  was  obliged  to  take  the  advice  which  Cass 
had  given  when  war  had  fairly  begun  —  obtain 
peace  by  giving  Florida  to  the  possession  of  armed 
settlers.1 

Many  charges  and  recriminations  were  the  fruits 

1  Schooler's  History  of  the  United  States,  vol.  iv.  p.  319. 


160  LEWIS   CASS. 

of  this  shameful  affair.  Scott  was  charged  with 
inefficiency.  Cass  was  accused  of  negligence. 
Abuse  was  heaped  on  all*  interested.  Jackson,  as 
usual,  lost  himself  in  a  paroxysm  of  rage  because 
all  went  not  well.  "  Let  the  damned  scoundrels 
defend  their  country,"  he  exclaimed ;  "  he  could 
take  fifty  women,  and  whip  every  Indian  that  ever 
crossed  the  Suwanee."  l  A  fair  examination  ab 
solves  the  Secretary  of  War  from  the  charge  of 
carelessness  or  neglect.  He  apparently  acted  on 
the  knowledge  sent  him,  and  supplied  the  generals 
at  the  front  with  all  the  troops  they  asked  for  or 
suggested  the  need  of.  The  truth  is,  that  it  was 
no  easy  task  to  drive  a  handful  of  determined  men 
from  retreats  which  were  almost  inaccessible,  and 
the  deeds  of  the  army,  as  such,  were  by  no  means 
without  honor.  But  Cass  cannot  be  relieved  of 
the  charge  that  negro  slavery  did  not  appeal  to 
him  in  its  awfulness,  and  that  he  could  see  no 
harm  in  returning  the  fugitive  slaves  to  bond 
age.  Who  in  those  days  did  see  the  institution  in 
its  proper  light  ?  The  war  was  nearly  finished  be 
fore  even  Giddings  of  Ohio  branded  it  as  a  slave 
chase  and  pointed  the  finger  of  shame.  This  war, 
indeed,  marks  the  lowest  depth  to  which  northern 
apathy  sank.  After  1841,  not  a  step  could  be 
taken  by  the  government  that  suspicious  abolition 
ists  did  not  peer  about  for  a  possible  proslavery 
motive. 

The  War  Department,  at  the  period  of  which  we 

1  Niles,  vol.  lii.  p.  98. 


SECRETARY  OF  WAR.  161 

are  speaking,  had  charge  of  many  matters  which 
are  now  cared  for  by  the  Department  of  the  Inte 
rior.  The  details  of  the  office  demanded  constant 
attention,  and  it  is  apparent  from  the  long  reports 
which  General  Cass  made  that  he  studied  with  care 
all  portions  of  his  duties.  He  entered  into  an  elabo 
rate  discussion  of  the  necessity  for  coast  defenses. 
Arguing  that  a  navy  was  the  best  fortification,  he 
advised  the  building  of  a  navy  which  would  be  at 
least  nearly  adequate  for  purposes  of  defense.  He 
examined  with  care  the  condition  of  the  army,  and 
it  may  be  said,  to  his  honor,  that  he  advocated  that 
the  practice  of  giving  whiskey  rations  to  the  sol 
diers  should  be  stopped. 

Until  Cass  took  the  war  portfolio,  his  life  had 
been  spent  in  active  employment.  During  his 
governorship  he  had  passed  months  at  a  time  travel 
ing  over  the  western  country,  and  now  incessant 
sedentary  labor  and  constant  attention  to  the  de 
tails  of  his  office  were  impairing  his  health,  and  it 
soon  became  evident  that  he  must  have  change  and 
diversion.  The  President  therefore  offered  to  ap 
point  him  minister  to  France,  and  Cass  accepted 
the  offer,  with  the  understanding  that  he  should 
be  allowed  to  leave  Paris  on  a  tour  for  recreation 
and  pleasure.  James  Buchanan  has  left  us  the 
improbable  story  that  Cass  was  transported  because 
Jackson  desired  to  get  rid  of  him  and  to  employ 
some  one  possessed  of  more  alertness  and  business 
ability.  According  to  this  account,  the  President 
used  the  following  language  :  "  I  can  no  longer 


162  LEWIS   CAS 8. 

consent  to  do  the  duties  both  of  the  President  and 
Secretary  of  War.  General  Cass  will  decide  noth 
ing  for  himself,  but  comes  to  me  constantly  with 
great  bundles  of  papers,  to  decide  questions  for 
him  which  he  ought  to  decide  himself."  1  The 
light  of  events  to  be  recorded  hereafter  will  prop 
erly  illumine  this  statement  made  by  Buchanan, 
whose  indecision  and  vacillation  cannot  be  rea 
soned  out  of  the  memory  of  the  American  people. 
Every  circumstance  refutes  it.  Jackson  admired 
Cass;  Cass  loved  Jackson.  The  visitor  at  the 
Hermitage  in  later  years  saw  in  the  hall  the  bust 
of  the  northwestern  statesman.  Their  whole  inter 
course  is  the  best  proof  of  mutual  consideration 
and  respect.  That  a  man  who  had  continuously 
acted  with  promptitude  and  boldness  from  the  bat 
tle  at  the  Eiver  Canard  until  he  became  Secretary 
of  War  should  suddenly  become  timid  and  hesitat 
ing  is  beyond  belief.  Twice  during  Jackson's  ad 
ministration  Cass  offered  to  resign,  and  twice  was 
persuaded  to  keep  his  office.  At  the  end  Jackson 
accepted  the  resignation  with  reluctance.  After 
the  return  of  Cass  from  France,  the  venerable  ex- 
President,  praising  him  for  his  services  abroad,  re 
ferred  to  their  pleasant  official  relations  and  to  the 
efficiency  with  which  the  affairs  of  the  War  De 
partment  had  been  conducted.2  If  the  secretary 
had  been  grossly  incapable,  Jackson  would  not 
have  waited  until  the  closing  months  of  his  admin- 

1  Curtis'  Life  of  Buchanan,  vol.  ii.  p.  399. 

2  Private  Papers  of  Lewis  Cass. 


SECRETARY  OF  WAR.  163 

istration  before  he  put  the  department  into  more 
competent  hands.  In  June,  1836,  the  appointment 
as  minister  to  Paris  was  sent  in  to  the  Senate,  and 
immediately  received  the  unanimous  consent  of 
that  body  —  no  slight  compliment,  if  we  consider 
the  height  of  political  animosity  in  those  bitter 
days. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

MINISTER  TO   FRANCE. 

THE  diplomatic  relations  between  France  and 
the  United  States  were  not  altogether  harmonious 
between  1833  and  the  date  of  the  appointment  of 
Cass.  A  succcessful  treaty,  negotiated  in  1831, 
had  won  from  France  a  promise  to  pay  for  the 
Napoleonic  spoliations  of  American  commerce.  The 
United  States  had  long  awaited  the  time  when 
their  rights  in  this  matter  would  be  fairly  consid 
ered,  until  patience,  long  continued,  was  in  danger 
of  being  construed  as  timidity.  Under  Jackson's 
sway,  however,  a  new  system  was  adopted ;  when 
our  dignified  demands  for  the  fulfillment  of  the 
treaty  of  1831  were  disregarded,  and  the  Chamber 
of  Deputies  refused  to  pass  the  appropriation  bill, 
the  President  stormed  in  the  White  House,  and 
the  shrill  voice  of  John  Quincy  Adams  was  heard 
in  Congress  calling  upon  the  people  to  resent  a 
wanton  insult  and  prepare  the  country  for  war. 
In  January,  1835,  the  French  minister  at  Washing 
ton  was  recalled,  and  in  April  Livingston  left 
Paris.  But  judicious  and  expressive  threats  had 
the  proper  effect.  The  money  was  paid.  Louis 
Philippe  sat  on  a  tottering  throne,  and  he  knew 


MINISTER   TO  FRANCE.  165 

that  a  war  with  America  would  deprive  him  of 
popular  support.  He  had,  moreover,  a  real  affec 
tion  for  the  republic,  and  an  admiration  for  the 
vigorous  old  warrior  of  the  White  House,  who  so 
fully  represented  self-confident  democracy.  The 
"  bourgeois  king  "  had  visited  America  in  his  ear 
lier  days,  and  had  become  personally  acquainted 
with  men  and  manners.  A  tour  through  the  back 
woods  of  Pennsylvania  and  Ohio  brought  to  him  a 
knowledge  of  the  roughness,  heartiness,  and  good 
fellowship  of  the  democratic  West,  and  he  retained 
a  kingly  sympathy  and  a  generous  enthusiasm  for 
whole-souled  western  uncouthness  and  the  virile 
Americanism  which  Jackson  personified. 

Cass  continued  to  perform  the  duties  of  secre 
tary  of  war  through  the  summer  of  1836,  and  in 
October  sailed  for  England,  there  to  remain  until 
assured  that  an  American  minister  would  be  re 
ceived  in  France.  After  a  brief  delay  on  this 
account,  he  repaired  to  Paris  and  entered  upon  his 
duties.  The  ordinary  affairs  of  the  legation  occu 
pied  his  attention  for  some  time.  Business  had 
accumulated  during  the  suspension  of  diplomatic 
relations,  and  it  now  demanded  immediate  settle 
ment.  But  a  minister's  chief  function  in  peaceful 
times  is  to  be  the  representative  of  his  country  at 
court,  and  to  care  for  the  social  as  well  as  the  more 
material  interests  of  itinerant  fellow-countrymen. 
Even  in  those  days  this  was  no  slight  task.  Some 
times  in  a  single  evening  he  presented  as  many  as 
fifty  of  his  countrymen  to  the  "  citizen  king." 


166  LEWIS  CA8S. 

American  visitors  in  Paris  at  this  time  spoke  of 
the  respectful  attention  they  received  from  the 
legation.  The  plain,  straightforward  diplomat 
from  the  wilds  of  the  Northwest,  whose  victories  in 
the  crooked  and  narrow  art  had  hitherto  been  won 
over  the  red  savage  of  the  western  woods,  quickly 
assumed  a  prominent  and  influential  position  at 
the  gay  capital.  It  looked  as  if  the  days  when 
Franklin  received  the  admiration  of  the  gaudy 
court,  or  when  Gouverneur  Morris  practiced  his 
charms,  had  returned.  The  minister  became  the 
personal  friend  of  the  king,  and  was  treated  as  an 
intimate. 

Actual  business  of  the  embassy  was  not  so  con 
fining  that  no  opportunity  was  left  for  other  pur 
suits.  The  peculiarities  of  European  life  and 
politics  possessed  a  unique  interest  for  one  whose 
general  reading  had  never  been  supplemented  by 
travel  or  a  wide  experience.  Nothing  seemed  to 
escape  him.  His  pen  was  at  work  a  good  portion 
of  the  time,  making  his  impressions  permanent. 
The  ineffectual  uneasiness  of  the  French  people  as 
he  now  saw  them,  and  the  misunderstandings  be 
tween  governors  and  governed,  were  unceasingly 
curious  to  one  who  had  never  known  classes,  and 
whose  whole  political  theory  and  practice  had  been 
based  011  the  principle  of  equality  and  the  rights 
of  self-government.  In  a  real  scientific  spirit  he 
traveled  through  France,  noticing  the  condition  of 
the  people  and  learning  continual  lessons.  He  vis 
ited  England,  but  a  nearer  acquaintance  did  not 


MINISTER   TO  FRANCE.  167 

deprive  him  of  that  deep-rooted  suspicion  and  dis 
trust  which  are  so  evident  in  all  his  public  career. 
He  saw  Victoria  crowned  as  queen.  But  all  the 
splendor  of  court  seemed  only  to  harden  and  sharpen 
his  democratic  loyalty.  He  carried  his  criticism  of 
English  aristocratic  life  to  an  absurd  extent.1  He 
belonged  to  the  school  of  triumphant  democracy. 
The  crass  ignorance  of  the  English  concerning 
American  life,  and  the  unfriendly  criticism  of  their 
captious  travelers,  filled  him  with  an  indignation 
which  now  is  quite  amusing. 

In  accordance  with  the  understanding  at  the 
time  of  his  appointment,  he  left  his  post  at  Paris 
for  his  vacation.  In  May,  1837,  he  set  sail  with 
his  family  from  Marseilles  on  board  the  old  frigate, 
The  Constitution,  commanded  by  Commodore  Elliot. 
A  description  of  his  itinerary  would  now  be  unin 
teresting,  but  to  him  the  journey  gave  the  greatest 
pleasure.  Naturally  of  a  philosophic  and  scholarly 
turn,  he  experienced  the  delight  of  the  philosopher 
and  scholar  in  visiting  places  of  historical  and  archa3- 
ological  interest.  On  the  other  hand,  his  strong 
practical  sense  and  his  sympathy  for  humanity  pre 
vented  him  from  losing  himself  in  the  admiration 
of  past  glories,  when  political  wrongs  and  social 
evils  and  stagnation  everywhere  met  his  eyes.  He 
admired  the  beauties  of  Italy  and  Greece,  but  they 
taught  him  a  lesson  for  America.  Everything 
possessed  for  him  a  present  and  a  human  interest : 
no  palace  or  hovel  or  beautiful  landscape  won  his 

1  France,  its  King,  Court,  and  Government.     By  an  American. 


168  LEWIS   CASS. 

attention  because  of  mere  picturesqueness,  or  lost 
for  him  its  peculiar  place  in  the  life  and  history  of 
man.  Greece  and  Italy  furnished  him  an  oppor 
tunity  for  studying  the  real  humanities,  —  not  their 
dead  languages,  but  the  places  these  nations  had 
actually  held  and  were  holding  in  the  great  drama 
of  the  world's  history,  whose  denouement  he  be 
lieved  would  be  the  complete  freedom,  the  ideal 
liberty.  He  saw  in  the  Parthenon  more  than  a 
relic  and  a  ruin ;  he  mused  over  Salamis  and  Mar 
athon  without  shadowy  romanticism,  for  he  saw 
before  him  spots  where  the  destiny  of  Europe  was 
decided.  Delphi  itself  appealed  to  no  shallow 
imagination,  but  awakened  thoughts  of  the  eternal 
power  of  God,  and  the  shifting,  transient  nature 
of  the  works  of  man.  "  Parnassus  indeed  is  there, 
with  the  clouds  resting  on  its  snowy  summit,  and 
the  blue  waves  of  the  Gulf  of  Corinth  rolling  at 
its  feet,  in  a  stream  as  bright  and  clear  as  when 
its  waters  purified  the  persons  of  the  ministers 
and  votaries  of  the  temple,  but  could  not  cleanse 
their  hearts  from  a  debasing  superstition.  But 
these  are  the  works  of  God  which  mock  the  pride 
of  man  and  bid  defiance  to  his  power,  witnesses 
of  change  themselves  unchangeable." 

By  special  permission  from  the  Sultan  the  Amer 
ican  frigate  sailed  to  Constantinople  and  on  into 
the  Black  Sea.  The  travelers  stood  in  the  shadow 
of  St.  Sophia;  and  here  again  the  teachings  of 
sacred  and  profane  history  were  emphasized  and 
illustrated.  A  sail  through  the  JEgean  recalled 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE.  169 

the  beauties  and  the  grandeur  of  the  "  inland  seas." 
and  there  came  vividly  to  the  mind  of  Cass  an 
other  scene,  when  through  the  islands  at  the  north 
of  Michigan  wound  a  fleet  of  three  hundred  In 
dian  canoes.  There  is  something  pathetic  in  the 
way  in  which,  amid  scenes  of  unbroken  interest  or 
magnificence,  his  mind  continually  reverted  to  the 
rough  picturesqueness  and  daring  life  of  the  fron 
tier.  The  JEgean  suggested  similarities,  the  pal 
ace  at  St.  Cloud  contrasts.  At  the  age  of  fifty- 
five  he  was  becoming  acquainted  with  a  broader 
world ;  with  a  wider  retrospect  he  was  preparing 
for  twenty  years  of  political  conflict.  Egypt  and 
Palestine  were  included  in  the  journey,  and  the 
Pyramids  and  the  Jordan  encouraged  more  mono 
logue  ;  which,  it  must  be  confessed,  partook  some 
what  extravagantly  of  the  stilted  grandiloquence 
common  to  the  rhetoric  of  fifty  years  ago.  A  visit 
to  the  islands  of  Candia  and  Cyprus  called  out 
two  interesting  articles,  which  were  sent  to  the 
"  Southern  Literary  Messenger,"  published  at 
Richmond.  These  are  full  of  historic  information 
and  of  practical  philosophy,  for  after  all  Cass  was 
a  scholar  to  the  end  rather  than  a  political  trickster, 
and  nothing  shows  his  scholarly  inclinations  more 
than  the  trip  to  the  old  East. 

In  November,  1837,  the  general  returned  to 
Paris,  invigorated  in  body  and  mind.  For  some 
time  no  very  important  diplomatic  problems  were 
presented  for  solution,  and  the  time  was  employed 
in  a  study  of  French  manners  and  political  condi- 


170  LEWIS  CAS8. 

tions.  As  has  already  been  said,  the  king  became 
a  close  friend  of  the  American  minister,  so  inti 
mate,  indeed,  that  the  other  ambassadors  are  re 
ported  to  have  been  jealous  of  the  undue  influence 
of  the  republican  representative.  Louis  Philippe 
was  an  affable  and  courteous  man,  possessed  of 
a  wonderful  store  of  knowledge,  and  he  won  the 
admiration  and  even  affection  of  Cass.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  the  citizen  king  had  many  noble  quali 
ties.  His  shabby  treatment  of  Gouverneur  Morris, 
who  furnished  him  with  funds  for  his  travels  in 
America,  and  gave  him  unlimited  credit  with  his 
own  New  York  banker,  is  not  a  complete  index  to 
his  character.  There  was  much  in  him  that  merited 
admiration,  though  he  had  some  bourgeois  propen 
sities  and  certain  tendencies  to  smallness  where  a 
greater  breadth  was  to  be  expected.  And  yet  he 
was  a  real  king,  and  his  grasp  of  affairs  often  belied 
the  maxim  of  the  doctrinaires,  that  the  king  reigns 
but  does  not  rule.  Thiers  served  him  with  his  bril 
liance  and  Guizot  with  his  philosophic  wisdom,  but 
the  constitutional  "  King  of  the  French,"  did  not 
always  give  himself  up  to  their  guidance.  Physical 
courage  he  did  not  lack,  but  he  seems  to  have  needed 
political  energy,  promptness,  and  decision.  This 
weakness  afterward  showed  itself  in  the  evil  days  of 
February,  1848,  when  too  complacently  he  yielded 
to  insurrection,  and  gave  up  his  crown,  soon  to  be 
seized  by  one  with  more  cunning  and  with  more 
relentless  ambition. 

The  happiness  of  the  domestic  life  of  the  king 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE.  171 

and  his  personal  attractions  blinded  Cass  to  polit 
ical  faults.  He  had  begun  to  take  notes  of  his 
impressions  of  France  and  Europe  when  he  came 
to  Paris,  and  he  now  published  in  an  American 
periodical  an  account  of  the  life  of  King  Louis 
Philippe,  with  a  commentary  on  French  govern 
ment  and  the  conditions  of  the  people.  In  1840 
these  articles  were  published  in  New  York  in  book 
form,  with  the  title  "France,  its  King,  Court,  and 
Government.  By  an  American."  The  book  has 
many  merits.  It  recounts  the  life  of  Louis  Phi 
lippe  in  his  early  days  of  adversity,  when  he  fled 
from  revolutionary  France  ;  it  relates  his  travels  in 
an  easy  flowing  narrative,  and  gives  an  attractive 
picture  of  his  wanderings  in  America  and  his  visit 
to  the  western  country  with  which  the  writer  was  so 
well  acquainted.  There  is  a  vein  of  pleasantry  and 
humor  in  this  portion  of  the  story,  though  Cass  by 
mental  construction  was  ill  adapted  to  light  and  vi 
vacious  description ;  nevertheless  certain  aspects  of 
western  life  are  presented  with  vividness,  and  there 
is  the  charm  which  always  comes  with  the  tale  of 
one  who  writes  of  what  he  knows  and  loves.  The 
later  life  of  the  king  and  his  character  are  set  forth 
in  an  interesting  fashion.  The  description  of  politi 
cal  France  of  fifty  years  ago  gives  the  book  lasting 
historic  value.  It  is  apparent  that  he  had  peered 
with  no  careless  glance  into  the  woeful  depths  of 
seething  Paris ;  that  he  appreciated  the  uneasiness 
and  discontent  of  its  hidden  life,  that  from  the  stand 
point  of  happy  democracy  he  could  judge  with  pe- 


172  LEWIS   CASS. 

culiar  advantage  the  fruitless  longings  and  insen 
sate  clamorings  of  the  people  who  did  not  know 
the  good  they  had,  and  sought  what  they  could  not 
use.  "  God  be  praised  !  "  wrote  Cass,  "  we  have 
no  Paris,  with  its  powerful  influence  and  its  inflam 
mable  materials.  He  who  occupies  the  lowliest 
cabin  upon  the  very  verge  of  civilization  has  just 
as  important  a  part  to  play  in  the  fate  of  our  coun 
try  as  the  denizen  of  the  proudest  city  in  the  land." 
From  such  observations  and  studies  as  these,  Cass 
was  called  to  important  diplomatic  duties.  For 
some  time  England  and  the  United  States  had 
been  giving  each  other  the  retort  courteous,  from 
which  the  next  step  is  the  cut  direct.  The  north 
eastern  boundary  question  had  become  an  active 
stimulant  to  disorder.  Maine  would  not  be  robbed, 
and  Canada  would  not  be  cheated.  Even  more 
serious  complications  had  arisen,  growing  out  of  the 
Canadian  rebellion  of  1837  and  the  turbulence  in 
western  New  York  consequent  upon  it.  At  that 
time  an  invasion  of  the  province  was  threatened  by 
some  fugitives  and  by  American  sympathizers.  A 
small  steamer,  the  Caroline,  was  to  be  used  for 
this  purpose,  but  when  lying  at  the  American  shore 
in  the  Niagara  Eiver  she  was  seized  by  an  expedi 
tion  from  Canada  and  sent  over  the  falls.  A  citizen 
of  the  United  States  was  killed  in  the  affray,  and 
the  excitement  did  not  die  out  in  a  moment.  Three 
years  later  Alexander  McLeod  came  from  Canada 
to  New  York,  and  openly  claimed  the  honor  of  hav 
ing  killed  the  American.  He  was  at  once  arrested 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE.  173 

on  the  charge  of  murder,  and  held  for  trial.  His 
detention  immediately  became  a  serious  diplomatic 
difficulty.  Lord  Palmerston  demanded  McLeod's 
release.  Our  government  had  not  charge  of  the 
prisoner  and  could  not  surrender  him,  for  Governor 
Seward  positivily  refused  to  renounce  the  jurisdic 
tion  of  the  State  of  New  York.  The  English  now 
acknowledged  the  Caroline  affair  as  an  interna 
tional  one,  and  assumed  the  position  that  not  Mc- 
Leod,  but  the  British  government  was  responsible, 
if  any  breach  of  law  had  been  committed.  It 
looked  in  the  early  part  of  1841  as  if  war  with 
Great  Britain  was  imminent.  "If  he  should  be 
condemned  we  must  throw  away  the  scabbard," 
wrote  Mr.  Harcourt,  in  March.  Upon  Webster, 
who  had  been  called  to  the  foreign  office  by  Harri 
son,  and  retained  in  his  position  when  Tyler  became 
President,  devolved  the  task  of  guiding  the  country 
through  the  difficulties  which  now  beset  it. 

Cass  had  a  point  of  vantage  from  which  to  view 
European  affairs  and  to  watch  the  shifting  clouds 
of  war  and  politics.  Even  Stevenson  at  the  Court 
of  St.  James  did  not  have  such  extra-official  means 
of  discovering  the  popular  sentiment  of  England  as 
were  furnished  to  Cass  by  the  English  colony  at 
Paris.  On  March  5,  1841,  Cass  wrote  to  Webster 
that  he  had  reliable  information  that  the  English 
fleet  was  preparing  for  the  order  to  sail  to  Halifax. 
"  Of  one  thing  I  am  sure :  there  is  a  bad  feeling 
against  us  in  England,  and  this  feeling  is  daily  and 
manifestly  augmenting."  The  terrible  efficiency  of 


174  LEWIS   CASS. 

the  steam  frigates,  with  their  heavy  guns  "  carrying 
balls  weighing  from  sixty  to  a  hundred  pounds,"  l 
warned  defenseless  America  to  forge  her  coat  of 
mail.  Ten  days  after  this  first  warning  another  let 
ter  was  sent  relating  in  confidence  the  substance  of 
several  interviews  with  the  king,  who  asserted  that 
the  French  antipathy  to  England  would  implicate 
France  in  the  war  if  it  were  once  begun.  The  hos 
tility  to  England  entertained  by  our  minister  to 
France  was  beginning  to  affect  his  speech  a  little. 
There  was  no  need  of  his  announcing  to  Webster, 
in  a  strident  missive,  that  the  English  were  the 
"most  credulous  people  upon  the  face  of  the  earth 
in  all  that  concerns  their  own  wishes  or  preten 
sions  ;  "  that  they  were  "  always  right  and  every 
body  else  wrong."  He  added  advice  :  "  Bend  all 
your  effort  to  steam.  Equip  all  the  steam  vessels 
you  can."  "Webster  already  appreciated  the  dan 
ger,  and  such  peremptory  language  was  a  little  be 
yond  the  margin  of  good  taste  and  discretion. 
There  is  no  evidence  that  Webster  resented  it  at 
the  time,  but  when  an  opportunity  for  retaliation 
offered  itself  he  seized  upon  it  in  a  manner  which 
suggests  the  energy  of  accumulated  resentment. 

In  good  season  all  danger  of  war  from  this  affair 
disappeared,  when  McLeod  was  acquitted  by  a  jury 
in  New  York,  in  October,  1841. 

The  winter  of  1842  was  the  beginning  of  the 
end  of  Cass's  diplomatic  career ;  it  was  also  the  be 
ginning  of  a  new  period  in  his  life,  the  interpre 
tation  of  which  requires  patient  discrimination. 
1  Curtis,  Life  of  Daniel  Webster,  vol.  ii.  p.  63. 


MINISTER   TO  FRANCE.  175 

Did  he  from  this  time  on  consciously  endeavor  to 
reach  the  presidential  chair  by  any  and  all  means  ? 
Are  his  acts  all  to  be  read  in  the  light  of  a  con 
suming  ambition?  Did  he  henceforth  stifle  his 
conscience  and  give  up  his  principles  in  exchange 
for  the  political  support  of  the  slaveholder  ?  The 
slavery  question  was  fairly  in  politics.  The  slave- 
baron  had  catechised  Van  Buren  when  he  came 
before  the  people  for  election.  The  nefarious  gag 
laws  had  aroused  northern  indignation.  The  ex. 
treme  abolitionists  were  continuing  their  crusade 
with  wonted  vehemence  and  fanatical  vigor.  But 
the  day  had  gone  by  when  Garrison  could  be 
dragged  through  the  streets  of  Boston  at  the  end 
of  a  halter,  or  Prudence  Crandall  insulted  and 
impoverished  in  puritanic  Connecticut.  In  the 
wavering  North  the  ultra-abolitionist  was  allowed 
in  peace  to  denounce  the  Constitution  as  "  a  league 
with  death  and  a  covenant  with  hell."  The  mod 
erate  abolitionists,  at  the  same  time,  prepared  to 
fight  with  the  ballot  in  accordance  with  rule  and 
reason.  In  the  midst  of  all  the  sound  and  nonsense 
of  the  "hard  cider"  campaign  of  1840  little  at 
tention  was  paid  to  the  nominees  of  the  Liberty 
party.  For  them  a  vote  was  cast  so  trifling  that  it 
scarcely  caused  a  ripple  on  the  placid  satisfaction 
with  which  the  country  welcomed  the  election  of 
plain  "  Old  Tip."  But  the  slavery  question  was 
fairly  in  politics.  Henceforth  a  candidate  for 
favors  must  run  the  gauntlet  for  southern  inspec 
tion,  and  soon  for  northern  investigation  as  well. 


176  LEWIS  CASS. 

In  December,  1841,  the  representatives  of  Eng 
land,  France,  Prussia,  Eussia,  and  Austria,  high 
contracting  parties  at  London,  entered  into  a  treaty 
for  the  suppression  of  the  slave-trade.  The  cruisers 
of  each  nation  were  accorded  the  right  to  detain  and 
search  vessels  belonging  to  any  one  of  the  others, 
if  such  vessel  should  "on  reasonable  grounds  be 
suspected  of  being  engaged  in  the  traffic  in  slaves." 
Inasmuch  as  English  ships  of  war  outnumbered 
those  of  the  other  countries,  this  gave  to  England 
special  facilities  for  checking  this  traffic,  against 
which  she  had  proclaimed  a  war  to  the  knife. 
Moreover  the  treaty  was  a  pretentious  and  suspi 
cious  formality,  for  the  Mediterranean  was  spe 
cially  excluded,  and  no  ship  belonging  to  Eussia, 
Austria,  or  Prussia  had  ever  been  engaged  in  the 
slave-trade,  or  been  interfered  with,  on  that  charge, 
by  British  vessels.  That  England  had  the  motive 
of  bolstering  up  her  claims  to  search  and  visitation 
seems,  therefore,  undeniable.  Cass  was  uneasy. 
The  people  whom  he  hated  had  gained  possession  of 
a  leverage.  Stimulated  by  his  antipathy  his  imagi 
nation  conjured  up  evils  to  come.  On  February  1, 
1842,  a  pamphlet  from  his  pen  was  published  in 
Paris,  inveighing  against  the  treaty  and  attempting 
to  infer  the  purpose  of  England  from  her  past 
assumption  of  right.  It  bore  the  title,  "  An  Exam 
ination  of  the  Question,  now  in  Discussion,  between 
the  American  and  British  Governments,  concern 
ing  the  Eight  of  Search,  by  an  American,"  and 
had  for  a  motto,  " '  When  we  doubted,  we  took 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE.  177 

the  trick.'  London  Times,  January,  1842."  The 
pamphlet  contained  a  discussion  of  the  whole  ques 
tion  of  the  right  of  search,  showing  the  insolence 
of  Britain  in  the  past,  her  steady  progress  toward 
dominion  on  the  sea,  and  the  reasons  for  fearing 
that  the  quintuple  treaty  was  simply  another  step 
toward  a  consummation  she  so  devoutly  wished. 
The  suspicions  of  the  design  of  England  were 
perhaps  partly  unfounded;  but  she  had  no  right 
to  complain  because  she  was  suspected.  Lord 
Brougham,  in  the  House  of  Lords  (February  21, 
1842),  announced  that  the  sole  wish  of  England 
was  "  to  see  the  infernal  slave  traffic  put  down," 
and  that  "any  general  right  of  search,"  or  any 
object  except  the  prevention  of  slave-trade  in  Af 
rica  was  not  sought  or  contemplated.1  We  now 
may  do  England  more  justice  than  Cass  could  then 
do  her.  But  in  view  of  all  her  conduct,  then  fresh 
in  men's  minds,  the  United  States  was  bound  to 
object  to  such  apparent  justification  by  the  other 
four  great  nations  of  Europe. 

The  pamphlet  was  received  with  approbation  in 
America.  Niles  printed  the  document  in  full,  to 
the  exclusion  of  "  other  matter,"  remarking  that  it 
was  "  attributed  to  the  pen  of  our  vigilant  and  tal 
ented  minister  at  the  French  court." 

On  February  13th  a  protest  against  the  concur 
rence  of  the  French  government  in  the  quintuple 
treaty  was  written  at  the  American  legation  at 
Paris  and  transmitted  to  M.  Guizot,  minister  of 

1  Hansard's  Parliamentary  Debates,  vol.  Ix.  p.  718. 


178  LEWIS   CASS. 

foreign  affairs.  This  asserted  that  England  had 
recently  been  vigorously  claiming  the  right  to  enter 
and  examine  American  vessels  for  the  purpose  of 
ascertaining  their  nationality ;  the  ratification  of 
the  treaty  under  consideration  might  seem  to  sanc 
tion  this  right  claimed  by  one  of  the  contracting 
parties.  "  The  United  States,"  it  continued,  "  do 
not  fear  that  any  such  united  attempts  will  be 
made  upon  their  independence.  What,  however, 
they  may  reasonably  fear  is  that  in  the  execution 
of  this  treaty  measures  will  be  taken  which  they 
must  resist."  The  appeal  to  French  jealousy  of 
England,  the  covert  intimation  that  war  might 
ensue,  —  "  one  of  those  desperate  struggles  which 
have  sometimes  occurred  in  the  history  of  the 
world,"  —  sufficed  to  turn  France  into  opposition, 
and  she  refused  to  ratify  the  treaty.  The  sensitive 
French  people  felt  that  England  was  far  too  con 
descending  ;  and,  moreover,  France  had  her  own 
sweet  sins ;  for  many  of  her  southern  ports  had 
more  than  a  vicarious  interest  in  the  remunerative 
traffic.  Not  till  1845  did  the  two  countries  agree 
to  keep  an  effective  double  fleet  on  the  coast  of 
Africa  to  crush  the  trade,  a  plan  which,  it  will  be 
seen,  was  an  imitation  of  the  one  adopted  by 
America  in  1842.  England  was  greatly  annoyed 
at  the  withdrawal  of  France.  Lord  Brougham  at 
tacked  Cass  as  a  leader  of  low  American  de 
mocracy  pandering  to  mob  jealousy  of  England. 
Wheaton,  however,  asserted  that  the  treaty  of 
Washington  was  the  determining  influence  which 


MINISTER   TO  FRANCE.  179 

brought  about  the  rejection  of  the  treaty  by 
France,  and  Webster  and  Cass  afterwards  had  a 
spirited  controversy  on  the  subject  in  the  Senate,1 
in  April,  1846. 

The  American  government  sanctioned  the  pro 
test  which  Cass  had  sent  Guizot  on  his  own  author 
ity,  and  accepted  its  doctrines.  "  Tyler  too,"  the 
quasi- Whig,  who  had  been  borne  into  office  with 
Democratic  luggage  in  the  whirlwind  of  popular 
enthusiasm  for  Harrison,  and  was  now  ruling  in 
solitary  state,  a  president  without  a  party,  was  not 
the  man  to  object  because  of  too  much  zeal  for 
slavery.  Webster,  although  he  publicly  approved, 
looked  somewhat  askance  at  the  pamphlet  and  pro 
test,  and  privately  commented  severely  on  the  con 
duct  of  both  Cass  and  Stevenson.  "  They  thought," 
he  said,  "  to  make  great  political  headway  upon  a 
popular  gale."2  Even  the  pamphlet  he  declared 
"  quite  inconclusive "  as  a  "  piece  of  law  logic," 
however  distinguished  it  might  be  for  ardent  Amer 
ican  feeling.3  History,  however,  has  proved  the 
reverse.  All  flat  denunciations  of  search  and  visita 
tion  were  unsuccessful,  while  the  inconclusive  "  law 
logic"  of  Cass  has  become  a  recognized  rule  in 
international  law.  He  plainly  propounded  a  prin 
ciple  which  Mr.  Webster  seemingly  failed  to  grasp, 
although  it  is  the  only  reasonable  and  sensible 
ground  for  determining  such  difficulties.  It  would 

1  Congressional  Globe,  1st  Session,  29th  Congress,  p.  627. 

2  Memoirs  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  vol.  xi.  p.  243. 
8  Curtis's  Life  of  Daniel  Webster,  vol.  ii.  p.  118. 


180  LEWIS   CASS. 

not  do  to  declare :  "  if  you  touch  our  vessels  we 
will  fight."  Were  we  to  protect  every  piratical 
slaver  which  insolently  raised  our  flag?  The 
principle,  as  laid  down  in  the  pamphlet,  and 
years  afterward,  through  the  efforts  of  Cass,  ac 
knowledged  by  England  to  be  correct,  was  simply 
this  :  you  have  no  right  to  touch  our  vessels  on  the 
high  seas ;  if  you  suspect  that  a  vessel  carrying 
our  flag  is  not  entitled  to  it,  you  examine  her  papers 
at  your  peril ;  if  you  are  mistaken,  you  must  answer 
to  the  American  government.  This  reasoning  un 
derlies  the  whole  common  law,  and  Mr.  Webster 
ought  to  have  been  wiser  than  to  sneer  at  it. 

In  political  circles  in  America  the  action  was 
widely  discussed.  Adams  called  Cass's  protest 
"absurd,"  and  finally  poured  out  upon  it  one  of 
those  pieces  of  venomous  resentment  which  some 
times  issued  from  him  when  the  thought  of  the  in 
iquity  of  slavery  caused  the  old  man's  blood  to  boil. 
He  wrote :  "  Cass's  Protest  of  the  13th  of  Febru 
ary,  1842,  against  the  ratification  by  France  of 
the  treaty  signed  and  sealed  by  her  own  ambassa 
dor,  is  a  compound  of  Yankee  cunning,  of  Italian 
perfidy,  and  of  French  legerete,  cemented  by 
shameless  profligacy,  unparalleled  in  American  di 
plomacy.  Tyler's  approval  of  it  is  at  once  dishon 
est,  mean,  insincere,  and  hollow-hearted." 

There  was,  however,  great  diplomatic  wisdom  in 
the  movement.  Tyler  wrote  to  Webster  that  he 
had  "  risen  from  the  perusal  of  the  foreign  news- 

1  Memoirs,  vol.  xi.  p.  338. 


MINISTER   TO  FRANCE.  181 

papers  with  a  feeling  essentially  in  favor  of  Gen 
eral  Cass's  course."  "  The  message  has  been  the 
basis  of  his  movements,  and  the  refusal  of  France 
to  ratify  the  treaty  of  the  five  powers  give  us  more 
sea-room  with  Lord  Ashburton.  .  .  .  The  '  Times  ' 
of  London  assumed  a  tone  which  looked  confound 
edly  as  if  the  ratification  by  the  five  powers  was 
afterward  to  be  proclaimed  as  equivalent  to  the 
establishment  of  a  new  rule  of  national  law."  1 
There  was  exultation  in  more  than  one  quarter. 
"  For  the  first  time  in  our  history,"  wrote  Wheaton 
from  Berlin,  "  could  it  be  said  that  the  American 
government  had  exerted  an  influence  on  the  policy 
of  Europe."2  The  wisdom  of  the  action  can  be 
determined  only  by  a  consideration  of  the  circum 
stances  of  the  case.  It  is  easy  enough  now  to  hurl 
invectives  because  our  foreign  minister  interfered 
with  a  treaty,  the  ostensible  intent  of  which  was  to 
check  the  slave-trade.  It  is  easy  enough  to  at 
tribute  it  all  to  the  craving  ambition  of  a  crafty 
"  log  roller,"  as  does  Von  Hoist.3  He  sums  up  the 
whole  matter  in  one  of  his  heavy  sentences,  which 
fairly  reek  with  disgust  at  American  duplicity. 
"  The  scheming  political  '  log  roller,'  with  a  high 
aim  at  the  object  of  his  own  personal  ambition, 
and  the  hot  temperament  of  the  would-be  great 
man  of  mediocre  endowments  and  mediocre  educa 
tion,  cooperated  to  give  such  a  form  to  the  effusions 

1  Letters  and  Times  of  the  Tylers,  vol.  ii.  p.  233. 

2  Quoted  ibid. 

5  History  of  the  United  States,  vol.  ii.  p.  489. 


182  LEWIS  CA8S. 

of  the  ardent  patriot  that  Adams'  hard  judgment 
upon  them  seems  scarcely  exaggerated."  This 
keen  German  critic  of  our  country's  history,  who 
has  so  shrewdly  interpreted  and  so  skillfully  ar 
ranged  his  facts,  has  frequently  failed  to  pierce 
into  American  popular  feeling  and  emotion ;  more 
over,  an  affectionate  regard  for  Adams  has  often 
blinded  him  to  the  faults  of  the  noble  old  man,  and 
a  bitter  entry  in  a  diary  replete  with  denunciation 
has  been  taken  as  temperate  criticism.  No  one 
can  estimate  too  highly  the  life  and  work  of  that 
last  of  the  Puritans  ;  but  he  who  writes  history  by 
the  fitful  light  of  such  comment  will  see  but 
darkly. 

The  prime  motive  for  the  action  of  Cass  in  this 
affair  was  his  inveterate  dislike  and  distrust  of 
England,  sentiments  which  he  had  good  cause  to  en 
tertain.  It  will  be  remembered  that  not  until  1839 
(less  than  three  years  before  the  date  of  his  pam 
phlet)  did  the  English  give  up  their  efforts  in  the 
Northwest,  as  already  described,  and  that  his  whole 
life  preceding  his  admission  to  Jackson's  cabinet 
had  brought  him  into  antagonism  with  British  ag 
gression.  Filled  with  pride  for  America  and  her 
institutions,  he  had  met  in  Europe  the  sneers  and 
condescensions  of  English  travelers,  who  looked 
pityingly  upon  his  country  and  with  qualified  ap 
probation  upon  France.  His  writings  in  the  early 
years  of  his  ministry  shadow  forth  the  same  sus 
picion.  Yet  no  one  can  say  decisively  that  the  sla 
very  question  did  not  also  move  him.  The  pamphlet 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE.  183 

announced  that  the  writer  was  no  slaveholder,  that 
he  never  had  been,  and  never  should  be ;  but  he 
found  his  way  to  the  beaten  track  of  biblical  justi 
fication,  and  pointed  to  Joseph  in  the  bondage  of 
Egypt.  A  few  months  before  his  objection  to  the 
treaty  he  had  been  proposed  as  a  candidate  for  the 
presidency  by  a  meeting  in  Philadelphia,  and  had 
published  in  the  "  Philadelphia  Sentinel "  a  care 
fully  worded  reply.  "  He  certainly  does  not  in  his 
letter,"  says  Niles,  "court  a  nomination  to  that 
office ;  but  yet  admits  that  in  the  contingency  of 
being  called  upon  by  the  general  voice  of  the  Dem 
ocratic  party  he  would  not  withhold  his  assent."  1 
But  even  on  the  supposition  that  the  presidential 
bee  had  begun  its  buzzing,  it  is  anticipating  later 
political  tactics  to  suppose  that,  as  the  prime  condi 
tion  of  Democratic  support,  he  threw  himself  into 
the  arms  of  the  slavocracy.  "  The  favoring  gale," 
which  would  waft  him  on  his  way,  was  bold  oppo 
sition  to  England,  ardent  Americanism,  and  evi 
dent  disapproval  of  forcible  abolition. 

Admitting  as  possible  the  play  of  various  mo 
tives,  it  is  still  true  that  the  pamphlet  and  protest 
were  entirely  justifiable.  England  had  been  as 
serting  with  renewed  vigor  her  right  of  visitation, 
which  she  now  cleverly  distinguished  from  search, 
and  had  carried  her  principles  into  exasperating 
practice.  Mr.  Eugene  Schuyler,  in  speaking  of 
the  treaty,  has  left  the  weight  of  his  undoubted 
authority  in  favor  of  General  Cass's  action.  "  For- 

1  Niles,  Ixi.  p.  80,  October  2,  1841. 


184  LEWIS  CAS8. 

innately,"  he  writes,  "  our  minister  to  Paris  at  that 
time  was  General  Lewis  Cass,  a  man  of  great  ex 
perience,  of  decided  views,  and  who  had  succeeded 
in  obtaining  a  very  intimate  and  friendly  footing 
with  the  French  government."  1  This  author  shows 
more  plainly  than  any  one  else  has  done,  how  the 
defense  of  American  rights  on  the  seas  is  coupled 
with  the  name  of  Cass. 

The  Ashburton  treaty  was  signed  at  Washington 
August  9,  1842.  It  was  ratified  by  the  Senate 
August  26th,  by  a  vote  of  thirty-nine  to  nine. 
Webster  could  fairly  pride  himself  upon  the  result 
of  the  negotiations ;  and  the  approval  of  the  Senate 
seems  very  complimentary  to  his  efforts,  if  one 
considers  his  anomalous  condition.  Even  before  a 
treaty  was  signed,  there  were  clamorous  demands 
for  his  resignation  by  the  Whig  newspapers  ;  for  it 
was  hard  to  bear  with  equanimity  that  their  own 
giant  should  be  used  to  sustain  the  renegade  Whig 
who  occupied  the  presidential  chair.  Yet  Tyler's 
own  self-satisfied  suavity,  it  may  be  said,  had  aided 
not  a  little  in  smoothing  out  the  "  wrinkles  of  ne 
gotiation."  2  Virginian  though  he  was,  he  first 
suggested  that  each  nation  should  keep  a  squadron 
on  the  coast  of  Africa  to  suppress  the  slave-trade,3 
a  stipulation  which  forms  article  eight  of  the  treaty. 
The  squadrons  were  to  be  independent  of  each 
other,  but  the  two  governments  agreed,  neverthe- 

1  American  Diplomacy  and  the  Furtherance  of  Commerce,  p.  252. 

2  Schouler's  History  of  the  United  States,  vol.  iv.  p.  403. 
8  Letters  and  Times  of  the  Tylers,  vol.  ii.  p.  219. 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE.  185 

less,  to  give  such  orders  to  the  officers  commanding 
the  respective  forces  as  should  enable  them  "  most 
effectually  to  act  in  concert  and  cooperation,  upon 
mutual  consultation,"  as  exigencies  might  arise,  for 
the  execution  of  all  such  orders. 

A  copy  of  the  treaty,  and  the  news  of  its  ratifi 
cation,  reached  Paris  September  17th,  and  Cass 
immediately  sent  word  to  his  government  that  he 
could  no  longer  be  useful  in  his  position,  and  that 
his  private  affairs  demanded  his  attention  at  home. 
When  later  he  had  received  letters  and  dispatches 
from  Mr.  Webster  in  relation  to  the  matter,  he  sent 
a  long  communication  in  which  he  complained  be 
cause  there  was  no  renunciation  by  Great  Britain 
of  her  right  of  search.  The  pretensions  of  the 
English  in  this  regard  had  of  late  been  productive 
of  some  injury.  American  traders  had  been 
stopped  and  searched  with  a  view  to  ascertaining 
their  real  nationality,  and  whether  or  not  they  were 
slavers.  Cass  by  his  pamphlet  and  protest  had 
identified  himself  with  the  controversy,  and  now 
that  a  treaty  had  been  made  and  ratified  he  felt 
piqued  that  England  was  not  forced  to  forego 
her  assumption;  his  government  had  not  gone  so 
far  as  he  had  expected,  or  as  his  protest  had  prom 
ised.  He  was  in  an  awkward  position,  and  he  tried 
to  extricate  himself  by  criticising  Webster  and  by 
objecting  to  the  treaty  after  it  had  been  signed  and 
ratified.  His  own  enthusiasm  and  sense  had 
prompted  him  to  oppose  Great  Britain,  and  the 
President  had  approved  his  conduct.  But  now 


186  LEWIS   CASS. 

affairs  had  taken  a  different  turn.  Resignation 
was  open  to  him,  and  a  dignified  withdrawal  would 
have  been  sufficient.  A  bitter  correspondence, 
however,  which  attracted  a  great  deal  of  attention, 
was  begun  between  Cass  and  Webster.  Adams 
wrote  about  it  in  that  bitter  diary :  "  The  contro 
versy  between  Lewis  Cass  and  Daniel  Webster 
about  the  Ashburton  Treaty,  the  rights  of  visitation 
and  of  search,  and  the  Quintuple  treaty,  still,  with 
the  comet,  the  zodiacal  light,  and  the  Millerite  pre 
diction  of  the  second  advent  of  Christ  and  the  end 
of  the  world  within  five  weeks  from  this  day,  con 
tinue  to  absorb  much  of  the  public  and  of  my  at 
tention."  He  compared  the  "  rumpus  "  to  the  com 
plaints  of  Silas  Deane  and  to  Monroe's  famous 
attack  upon  the  Washington  administration. 

The  letters  which  passed  between  the  ex-minister 
and  the  Secretary  of  State  have  been  published  in 
the  public  documents,  and  do  not  need  presentation 
here.  The  President  reported  them  in  answer  to  a 
request  from  the  Senate.  Cass  insisted  that  he  was 
thrown  into  an  embarrassing  position  by  Webster's 
action,  and  charged  that  the  country,  through  the 
Secretary  of  State,  had  stultified  itself  in  not  making 
a  renunciation  of  the  right  of  visitation  and  search 
a  condition  precedent  to  the  consideration  of  the 
matters  which  were  treated  of  in  the  eighth  article. 
He  did  not  directly  criticise  the  President  and  Sen 
ate,  but  announced  his  belief  that  the  ratification 
of  the  treaty  ought  to  have  been  coupled  with  an 
express  denunciation  of  the  right  of  search.  Web- 


MINISTER   TO  FRANCE.  187 

ster,  on  the  other  hand,  asserted  that  no  such  stand 
was  needed  on  our  part,  that  the  Ashburton  treaty 
reaffirmed  and  made  stronger  America's  opposition 
to  English  assumption  on  the  seas,  that  the  govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  relied  on  its  own  power 
and  not  upon  statements  in  treaties  or  conventions. 
Again  Mr.  Webster  ought  to  have  been  wiser. 
Our  vessels  were  being  visited  and  searched  in 
spite  of  our  "  power "  and  our  denial  of  such  a 
right.  Short  of  war,  negotiation  was  the  only 
means  of  obtaining  cessation  of  such  annoyances. 
He  himself  found  it  necessary  to  protest  in  later 
years.  The  odious  right  was  claimed,  and  occa 
sionally  exercised,  by  Great  Britain  for  sixteen 
years,  until  Cass  himself  as  Secretary  of  State  took 
up  the  old  argument  of  his  pamphlet  which  Web 
ster  had  deemed  inconclusive,  and  compelled  the 
English  government  to  recognize  its  cogency  and 
publicly  to  abandon  her  pretensions.  What  Cass 
said  in  these  letters  to  Webster  had  already  been 
suggested  in  the  debates  in  the  Senate,  and  events 
soon  proved  him  "in  the  right  and  Mr.  Webster 
in  the  wrong."  l  The  secretary  in  this  correspond 
ence  quoted  with  approbation  a  passage  from  the 
President's  message,  which  intimated  that  the  clause 
of  the  treaty  providing  for  cruisers  on  the  coast  of 
Africa  had  removed  "all  pretext  on  the  part  of 
others  for  violating  the  immunities  of  the  Ameri 
can  flag  on  the  seas."  But  English  statesmen  at 
once  repelled  such  an  interpretation.  "  Nor  do  we 
1  Schuyler's  American  Diplomaey,  p.  255. 


188  LEWIS   CASS. 

understand,"  said  Sir  Robert  Peel,  then  prime 
minister,  "that  in  signing  that  treaty  the  United 
States  could  suppose  that  the  claim  was  abandoned." 
It  was  undoubtedly  unfortunate  that,  at  a  time 
when  the  statement  would  have  carried  peculiar 
force,  Webster  did  not  see  fit  to  announce  our 
unflinching  adherence  to  our  rights. 

In  one  particular  the  ex-minister  was  wholly  at  a 
disadvantage.  The  treaty  as  ratified  was  none  of 
his  special  business,  and  he  was  not  called  upon  to 
denounce  it  except  as  a  private  citizen.  On  the 
other  hand  Webster  was,  as  Sumner  said,  as  pow 
erful  as  he  was  unamiable,  and  the  lack  of  good 
humor  gave  his  adversary  an  opportunity  for  effec 
tive  retort  which  he  might  otherwise  have  missed. 
The  quarrel  continued  until  March,  1843,  some 
months  after  the  return  of  General  Cass  from 
Paris ;  but,  of  course,  nothing  was  accomplished  by 
it.  It  may  be  doubted  whether  this  ill-natured 
controversy  was  of  great  assistance  in  the  race 
for  the  presidency;  probably  it  did  help  a  little, 
although  the  people  of  the  country  were,  on  the 
whole,  pretty  well  satisfied  with  the  Ashburton  set 
tlement,  and  did  not  perceive  the  need  of  a  bolder 
stand  against  English  presumption. 

This  matter  has  heretofore  been  treated  of  in  a 
partisan  manner.  The  lives  of  Webster  hold  his 
letters  up  for  admiration.  Cass's  letters  appear 
without  their  answers  in  his  biographies.  Mr.  Peter 
Harvey  has  left  us  a  story  in  his  "  Personal  Remi 
niscences  and  Anecdotes  of  Daniel  Webster," 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE.  189 

which  has  found  credence  in  the  minds  of  more 
trustworthy  writers.  According  to  this  account, 
Cass  was  so  overwhelmed  by  the  replies  of  Webster 
to  his  attacks  that  he  confessed  himself  beaten, 
said  his  position  was  unbearable,  and  begged  that 
he  be  allowed  to  write  another  letter  to  which  the 
secretary  should  promise  to  make  no  surrejoinder. 
This  tale  bears  its  own  refutation  on  its  face,  but 
it  has  been  accepted  even  by  those  who  have  gen 
erally  placed  the  correct  value  on  Mr.  Harvey's 
productions.1  Cass  was  applauded  and  toasted  for 
his  success  in  the  controversy,  and  it  is  perfectly 
clear  that  it  did  not  detract  from  his  popularity 
and  the  high  estimation  in  which  he  was  held  at 
the  time.  Moreover  in  recognizing  him  as  one  of 
their  great  leaders  the  Democracy  accepted  his  at 
tacks  upon  Webster.  He  had  lost  his  senses,  if 
he  whined  for  pity,  as  Harvey  asserts  that  he  did. 
I  have  the  explicit  denial  of  this  fact  from  Mr. 
Charles  E.  Anderson,  who  was  secretary  of  the  le 
gation  at  Paris,  and  who  knew  Cass  with  a  keener 
appreciation  and  with  a  better  judgment  than  this 
"  loving  and  devoted  Boswell "  knew  Wrebster. 

"  The  sage  of  Marshfield  "  was  mighty  in  argu 
ment,  but  Cass  was  well  able  to  hold  his  own.  His 
ability,  of  which  there  cannot  be  the  slightest  doubt, 
his  strength  in  debate,  and  his  power  in  argument 

1  Mr.  Lodge  in  his  life  of  Webster  has  declared  that  ' '  a  more 
untrustworthy  book  it  would  be  impossible  to  imagine."  Yet  his 
own  admirable  sketch  of  Webster's  career  has  given  new  currency 
to  the  tale. 


190  '  LEWIS  CAS8. 

have  been  greatly  under-estimated  since  his  death. 
The  eulogistic  biographies  which  appeared  in  his 
lifetime,  though  not  without  their  merits,  lack  dis 
crimination  and  lose  the  weight  belonging  to  judi 
cious  approval.  The  generation  of  the  Rebellion, 
naturally  enough,  is  but  just  emerging  from  a  state 
of  antipathetic  criticism  of  all  who  were  not  of  the 
vehement  antislavery  school.  Those  still  living, 
who  knew  Cass  in  his  vigor,  are  not  willing  to 
admit,  whatever  may  have  been  their  political  con 
victions,  that  in  real  strength  and  capacity,  in  men 
tal  virility  or  acumen,  he  was  overmatched  by  any 
save  the  very  greatest  of  his  day.  His  placid, 
kindly  disposition  won  for  him  a  lasting  affection 
among  those  who  knew  him,  and  remembrance  may 
have  warped  judgment;  but  the  name  of  Cass 
recalls  to  an  old  Michigan  "Whig  a  friend  to  be 
loved  and  admired,  and  a  foe  to  be  dreaded.  Of 
the  statesmen  of  his  generation,  only  Webster  sur 
passed  him  in  profundity  of  argument.  Calhoun 
excelled  him  in  keenness  and  directness  of  debate. 
Clay  outstripped  him  in  fiery  beauty  of  eloquence 
and  in  power  for  popular  leadership.  Although  he 
never  tried  to  imitate  the  professional  tactics  of 
Van  Buren,  the  only  Democratic  leader  comparable 
to  him,  he  at  least  equaled  the  "  Little  Magician  " 
in  all  the  more  graceful  and  honorable  arts  of 
statesmanship. 

The  American  citizens  of  Paris  were  loath  to  bid 
farewell  to  the  representative  of  their  country, 
whose  constant  attention  and  courtesy  they  appre- 


MINISTER   TO  FRANCE.  191 

ciated.  His  residence  was  elegant  and  attractive. 
"  General  Cass's  hotel  is  furnished  sumptuously," 
wrote  Charles  Sumner  in  his  journal.  "  The  table 
was  splendid,  and  the  attendance  perfect ;  servants 
in  small  clothes  constantly  supplying  you  with  some 
new  luxury.  .  .  .  Mr.  Cass  is  a  man  of  large  pri 
vate  fortune,  and  is  said  to  live  in  a  style  superior 
to  that  of  any  minister  ever  sent  by  America."  l 
On  November  llth  a  public  dinner  was  given  the 
retiring  minister  by  his  resident  countrymen.  The 
expressions  of  regret  at  his  departure  were  many, 
and  seemingly  from  the  heart.  The  master  of  the 
feast  in  his  address  reminded  the  company  that 
they  had  come  together,  without  distinction  of  party, 
to  testify  affectionate  respect  for  their  distinguished 
guest.  Making  due  allowance  for  the  flattering 
unction  of  post-prandial  phrases,  we  still  see  that 
the  news-correspondent  was  right  in  his  message, 
which  announced :  "  General  Cass  has  won  all 
hearts  at  Paris.  They  loved  the  man ;  they  ad 
mired  the  dauntless  envoy  of  their  country."  2  The 
speech  of  General  Cass  in  answer  to  the  toast, 
"Honor  to  our  illustrious  fellow-citizen,  and  a 
happy  return  to  a  grateful  country,"  was  a  finished 
piece  of  declamation  over  the  smiling  Providence, 
which  especially  shapes  the  ends  of  the  United 
States  of  America.  His  eloquence  had  the  old- 
fashioned  sonorous  quality.  He  offered  none  of 

1  Memoirs  and  Letters  of  Charles  Sumner,  by  Edward  L.  Pierce, 
vol.  i.  p.  253. 

2  Communication  to  New  York  Courier  and  Enquirer. 


192  LEWIS   CASS. 

"  the  foam  Aphrodite  of  Bacchus's  sea,"  nor  the 
froth  and  airy  nothingness  of  modern  after-dinner 
speech-making.  There  was  little  to  lighten  the 
heavy  rhythm  of  his  sentences.  His  response  was, 
as  his  addresses  usually  were,  scholarly,  philoso 
phic,  sensible,  and,  above  all,  democratic.  He 
could  continually  strike  the  keynote  of  the  demo 
cratic  anthem,  leaving  the  frivolous  overtones  for 
more  frolicsome  speakers  and  writers.  The  pecul 
iar  victory  of  Cass  as  the  champion  of  American 
rights  was  applauded  in  the  toast,  "  The  sovereignty 
of  the  seas,  common  to  all  nations,  but  exclusive 
under  every  flag." 

Another  chapter  of  the  career  of  Cass  was  ended. 
He  had  conducted  himself  with  rare  discretion  as 
an  American  minister,  and  had  quite  outdone  him 
self  as  a  politician.  Diplomatic  missions  are  usu 
ally  dangerous  to  political  ambition,  for  absence 
does  not  make  the  voter's  heart  grow  fonder ;  but 
his  six  years'  residence  abroad  had  increased  his 
reputation  and  his  popularity. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

A  DEMOCRATIC  LEADER.  —  THE  ELECTION  OF  1844. 

GENERAL  CASS  left  his  son-in-law,  Mr.  Ledyard, 
as  charge  d'affaires  at  Paris.  After  a  voyage  of 
three  weeks,  not  a  slow  trip  for  those  times,  he 
arrived  in  Boston  on  December  6,  1842.  The 
people  of  the  country  were  ready  to  welcome  him 
with  enthusiasm.  Immediately  upon  his  arrival 
the  "  citizens  of  New  England,"  in  a  flattering  let 
ter,  congratulated  him  on  his  safe  return  to  his 
native  country,  "  after  faithful  and  energetic  service 
in  an  important  crisis  "  of  his  mission,  and  asked 
for  a  meeting  with  him  in  Faneuil  Hall,  "  the  spot 
in  which  of  all  others  America  would  desire  to 
welcome  her  deserving  ones."  He  was  obliged  by 
other  arrangements  to  forego  the  pleasure  and  the 
profit  of  communion  with  the  political  spirit  of 
New  England,  and  contented  himself  with  meet 
ing  informally  at  his  hotel  those  who  wished  to 
pay  their  respects  to  him.  In  New  York  even 
greater  honors  awaited  him.  A  new  luminary  had 
been  discovered  by  the  sweeping  astrolabe  of  the 
political  astrologer.  Ignorant  of  his  fame  and 
unappreciative  of  the  popular  curiosity,  he  had  in 
tended  to  hurry  on  to  Washington,  and  thence 


194  LEWIS   CASS. 

home,  where  business  matters  claimed  his  immedi 
ate  attention.  But  metropolitan  democracy  has 
generally  obtained  what  it  has  sought.  The  gov 
ernor's  rooms  were  tendered  him,  and  there  he  was 
received  with  cheers  and  all  the  approbation  of 
party  and  patriotic  devotion.  Such  ceremonies 
were  bearding  Van  Buren  in  his  very  den ;  but  as 
yet  they  could  be  accounted  for  as  admiration  for 
the  envoy  whose  boldness  had  dignified  America. 

These  evidences  of  popular  approval  in  Northern 
States  prove  that  his  opposition  to  the  quintuple 
treaty  was  not  considered  truckling  to  the  slave- 
power.  Although  an  abolitionist  was  still  an  out 
cast,  if  no  longer  an  outlaw,  nevertheless  open 
bidding  for  southern  favor  or  the  use  of  a  diplo 
matic  mission  for  the  defense  of  slavery  would  have 
been  promptly  resented.  The  political  "  bossism  " 
of  the  southerner  added  a  sting  to  what  might 
have  been  otherwise  harmless.  Indeed  that  fact 
must  be  remembered  through  the  whole  history  of 
the  slavery  question.  Without  doubt  the  immoral 
ity  of  human  bondage  aroused  the  slumbering 
consciences  of  the  people ;  the  shrill  cries  of  the 
fanatic,  the  pleading  eloquence  of  Phillips,  the 
wonderful  bravery  of  Giddings  and  Adams,  the 
incessant  agitation  of  a  subject  which  would  not 
down,  were  more  than  mere  steps  in  a  progress 
toward  united  northern  sentiment ;  they  were  pro 
ductive  of  a  thought  which,  in  the  end,  led  the 
people,  rejecting  extravagances,  to  accept  what  was 
politically  sound  and  morally  right.  But  the  in- 


A  DEMOCRATIC  LEADER.  195 

famous  three  fifths  compromise  gave  power  to  the 
owner  of  chattels,  and  allowed  the  representation 
of  things ;  the  domineering  slave-baron,  in  the  halls 
of  Congress,  kindled  by  his  insolent  orderings  the 
resentment  of  the  "  d — d  trading  Yankee."  With 
out  doing  injustice,  therefore,  to  the  impetus  of 
higher  motives,  or  under  -  estimating  the  mighty 
propelling  power  of  any  moral  movement,  simply 
because  it  is  moral,  we  must  admit  that,  from  the 
contest  in  the  constitutional  convention  down  almost 
to  the  closing  scene  in  the  drama,  the  North  was 
animated  to  special  effort  principally  by  the  desire 
for  political  equality.  In  every  bitter  struggle 
with  the  South  where  northern  representatives 
showed  themselves  persistent  and  energetic,  there 
was  some  cement  other  than  the  moral  one  holding 
them  to  their  duty.  So,  even  if  hatred  of  the  black 
sin  of  the  South  had  as  yet  found  no  broad  resting- 
place,  jealousy  of  southern  dictation,  as  well  as 
national  pride  and  human  shame,  would  have  pre 
vented  the  people  of  New  York  and  Boston  from 
receiving  with  acclamations  any  one  who  in  their 
opinion  had  used  a  diplomatic  office  to  pander  to 
the  prejudices  of  the  slave-owner,  and  had  for  per 
sonal  glory  sought  to  shield  a  piratical  traffic  behind 
his  country's  name  and  his  country's  honor. 

Cass  was  welcomed  at  Washington  by  the  Con 
gressmen  and  satellite  politicians  who  wished  to 
scan  the  face  of  a  new  prophet.  All  the  way  from 
the  capital  to  his  Michigan  home  there  were  ap 
plause  and  curiosity  sufficient  to  satisfy  the  most 


196  LEWIS   CASS. 

hungry.  He  did  not  reach  Detroit  until  February 
14th,  and  his  way  from  Washington  was  one  tri 
umphal  march.  The  legislatures  of  Pennsylvania 
and  Ohio  welcomed  and  honored  him,  and  the  gov 
ernors  and  principal  officers  came  out  several  miles 
to  escort  him  to  their  respective  capitals,  under  the 
firing  of  artillery,  ringing  of  bells,  martial  music, 
and  a  general  turnout  of  all  the  volunteer  militia. 
It  is  interesting  to  read  in  Niles  an  item  recounting 
the  popular  enthusiasm  over  Cass,  and  by  its  side 
to  see  another  short  paragraph  telling  how  Henry 
Clay  was  boisterously  applauded  at  each  step  of  a 
journey  through  the  South.  There  were  warmth 
and  color  in  those  young  days  of  our  country. 
There  were  heroes  and  a  hero  worship  strange  to  us 
in  these  later  days.  A  committee  from  Detroit  met 
their  returning  fellow-citizen  at  Ypsilanti,  and  he 
was  conducted  to  his  home  by  the  route  he  had 
taken  thirty  years  before,  when  he  had  hoped  to 
escort  Brush  with  his  supplies  to  the  assistance  of 
Hull.  Nothing  speaks  so  well  for  Cass  as  the 
honor  he  had  at  his  own  home.  The  city  was  en 
thusiastically  devoted ;  he  was  the  political  Nestor 
of  the  State.  Without  using  the  arts  of  machine 
politics  he  retained  his  hold  on  the  popular  confi 
dence  and  support,  until  the  later  spirit  of  liberty 
demanded  a  new  leader  inspired  by  the  gospel  of  a 
new  dispensation. 

At  a  banquet  given  in  his  honor  soon  after  his 
return  Cass  was  heartily  toasted,  with  the  hope  of 
adding  another  spark  to  the  kindling  enthusiasm  of 


A  DEMOCRATIC  LEADER.  197 

the  country.  His  name  was  now  fairly  before  the 
people,  and  letters  began  to  pour  in  upon  him  asking 
him  all  conceivable  questions  and  propounding  a 
series  of  enigmas,  with  the  intention  of  ascertaining 
his  exact  political  belief  by  the  Socratic  and  Yan 
kee  method  of  discovering  truth.  Before  Cass  had 
reached  Boston,  on  his  return  from  France,  the 
Democratic  Central  Committee  of  Shelby  County, 
Indiana,  summoned  a  convention  of  all  who  were  in 
favor  of  "the  nomination  of  either  General  Cass  or 
Richard  M.  Johnson."  In  November,  almost  be 
fore  the  glare  of  the  rockets  of  the  congressional 
election  had  faded  away,  a  convention  of  his  friends 
in  Harrisburg  announced  their  preference  for  Lewis 
Cass  as  the  next  Democratic  candidate  for  the 
presidency.  The  "  New  York  Herald,"  indorsing 
the  action  of  this  convention,  demanded  new  men 
and  a  new  movement.  The  congressional  election 
of  1842  had  been  unusually  mild  and  sensible,  and 
in  this  sluggish  indisposition  the  "  Herald "  saw 
need  for  the  tonic  of  novelty.  None  of  the  old 
leaders  could  longer  awaken  enthusiasm  ;  "  but  the 
movement  now  first  made  in  Pennsylvania  looks 
more  like  the  real  spirit  of  the  people  than  any 
thing  we  have  seen  of  late.  In  that  State,  and 
in  that  way,  did  the  name  of  Jackson  and  Har 
rison  come  up,  and  carry  all  before  them."  Cass 
was  the  very  man,  this  paper  declared,  who  could 
with  proper  attention  and  effort  be  carried  into  the 
presidency  with  a  universal  shout  of  acclamation. 
The  "  Herald  "  went  at  it  with  a  will,  issued  extra 


198  LEWIS  CASS. 

copies,  and  shouted  in  leaded  lines  for  another  hero 
of  1812,  believing  that  a  new  Jackson  was  found 
to  lead  the  chosen  Democratic  seed  back  from 
captivity. 

The  Whig  papers,  curious  and  incredulous, 
doubted  the  orthodoxy  of  the  new  candidate,  and 
the  Democrats  desired  to  be  sure  of  him.  Hardly 
had  he  landed  when  a  letter  from  Mahlon  Dicker- 
son,  a  fellow-member  of  Jackson's  Cabinet,  was  sent 
asking  him  for  a  full  confession  of  faith.  The 
answer  was  frankly  given.  "  I  am  a  member  of  the 
Democratic  party,  and  have  been  so  from  my  youth. 
I  was  called  into  public  life  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  thirty- 
six  years  ago,  and  am  a  firm  believer  in  the  princi 
ples  laid  down  by  him."  Two  short  paragraphs, 
in  addition  to  this  shrewd  statement  of  old  Repub 
lican  affiliation,  announced  hostility  to  a  national 
bank  and  belief  in  the  saving  efficacy  of  specie 
payment. 

Interrogatories  to  the  various  candidates  before 
the  country  were  issued  by  a  convention  at  Indi 
anapolis  early  in  1843.  To  these,  answers  were 
sent  by  Calhoun,  Buchanan,  Johnson,  and  Cass. 
All  sound  the  tocsin  of  faithful  partisanship  with  no 
uncertain  sound.  Even  Calhoun,  long  a  free  lance 
ready  to  strike  at  anything  opposed  to  his  cherished 
state  sovereignty  and  organized  anarchy,  seemed 
to  have  temporarily  left  his  nomadic  politics.  He 
replied  that  he  had  no  reason  to  doubt  that  his 
friends  would  abide  by  the  decision  of  a  convention 
fairly  summoned  to  express  the  wishes  of  the  party. 


A  DEMOCRATIC  LEADER.  199 

All  this  looked  like  happiness  and  harmony.  Cass 
gave  his  answers  to  the  questions  at  some  length 
and  with  great  good  sense.  Having  always  enter 
tained  a  doubt  of  the  constitutionality  of  a  bank, 
he  now  condemned  it ;  the  proceeds  from  the  sale 
of  public  land  should  not  be  distributed  among  the 
States,  because  it  was  simply  taking  the  money  out 
of  one  pocket  to  drop  it  into  the  other,  and  sums 
equal  to  those  distributed  must  needs  be  raised 
again  by  taxation ;  a  tariff  for  revenue  with  inci 
dental  protection  should  be  "  wisely  and  moderately 
established  and  then  left  to  its  own  operation,  so 
that  the  community  could  calculate  on  its  reason 
able  duration  and  thus  avoid  ruinous  fluctuations  ;  " 
an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  limiting  the 
veto  power  seemed  at  the  time  unnecessary  and 
therefore  inexpedient.  All  this  constituted  a  suf 
ficiently  good  platform.  As  affairs  then  stood  the 
Democratic  party  was  without  doubt  lying  quietly 
at  good  anchorage.  Would  it  be  content  without 
the  excitement  and  flurry  of  new  and  momentous 
issues  ? 

On  Jefferson's  birthday  the  Democratic  citizens 
of  Philadelphia  celebrated  the  occasion,  and  Cass 
was  invited  to  be  present.  His  well-worded  letter 
of  regret  was  read  amid  the  enthusiasm  of  those 
present,  and  the  following  toast  was  offered :  "  Gen 
eral  Lewis  Cass,  the  soldier,  the  diplomatist,  and 
the  statesman :  his  correspondence  with  Webster 
proves  his  knowledge  of  the  American  character, 
and  his  ability  to  defend  it."  Lord  Brougham's 


200  LEWIS   CAS8. 

bitter  attack  on  Cass  aided  his  popularity  and  his 
chances  for  nomination.  That  noble  lord  accused 
him  of  debasing  himself  to  pander  to  the  lowest, 
meanest  feeling  of  the  "  groveling  and  groundling  " 
politician,  and  asserted  that  he,  an  American  minis 
ter,  had  appealed  to  the  hatred  of  England  felt  by 
the  "  rabble."  Such  charges  by  a  British  aristocrat 
were  sweet  morsels  for  the  democracy  on  whom 
Cass  hoped  to  rely.  In  various  portions  of  the 
country  wires  were  pulled  for  the  new  Michigan 
candidate.  A  friend  in  New  York  insisted  that 
the  elective  offices  ought  to  be  divided  among  the 
adherents  of  Cass  and  Calhoun  as  well  as  of  Van 
Buren,  "  so  as  to  divide  the  loaves  and  fishes  party." 
Men  in  Pennsylvania,  in  accordance  with  Cass's 
desires,  deprecated  the  attacks  upon  Van  Buren,  lest 
such  conduct  might  react  and  insure  the  persistent 
enmity  of  his  followers.1 

Early  in  1843,  therefore,  eighteen  months  before 
the  day  of  election,  candidates  for  the  Democratic 
nomination  were  fairly  before  the  country  with  a 
careful,  reserved,  and  negative  policy.  The  only 
difficulty  seemed  to  lie  in  the  choice  of  any  one  of 
them  as  standard  bearer.  Many  felt  that  Van 
Buren  had  been  harshly  treated  in  1840,  and  hoped 
that  the  people,  returning  to  reason,  would  undo 
the  riot  of  the  last  campaign  and  put  the  "  Little 
Magician  "  in  the  White  House  again.  He  had  been 
a  brave  and  consistent  leader ;  and  had  been  beaten 
rather  by  the  financial  distress  of  the  country  and 

1  Private  papers  of  Lewis  Cass. 


A   DEMOCRATIC  LEADER.  201 

the  sins  which  Jackson  had  visited  upon  him  than 
because  of  any  errors  of  his  own.  But  poetic  jus 
tice  is  not  political  justice  ;  and  when  once  a  candi 
date  has  been  defeated  there  is  a  natural  hesitation 
about  sacrificing  party  interest  on  the  altar  of  ide 
alistic  honor.  Moreover  Van  Buren  had  had  his 
turn,  and  of  course  had  satisfied  only  a  portion  of 
the  horde  of  hungry  office  -  seekers.  Those  not 
satisfied  with  their  share  of  the  spoils  would  natu 
rally  seek  another  leader,  from  whom  they  might 
expect  to  obtain  their  desires.  If  he  could  not  be 
elected  with  prestige  of  success  to  buoy  him  up, 
with  the  power  of  the  office-holder  to  aid  him, 
what  reason  was  there  to  expect  his  election  after 
he  had  been  defeated,  and  when  the  office-holders 
had  nothing  to  gain  and  everything  to  lose  by  his 
election  ?  Although  the  majority  of  the  party  were 
still  favorably  disposed  towards  him,  therefore,  and 
though  many  of  the  politicians  still  obeyed  the 
customary  rein,  and  did  becoming  homage  to  their 
peerless  teacher,  there  was  good  reason  to  believe 
that,  even  if  no  new  issue  presented  itself,  there 
would  be  a  strong  effort  for  a  new  candidate  in 
whom  the  people  might  imagine  any  and  all  virtues, 
and  whose  unknown  quantity  might  be  substituted 
to  solve  widely  different  problems. 

Buchanan  could  rely  on  the  strong  support  of 
Pennsylvania,  his  own  State.  He  belonged  to  the 
school  of  the  cautious,  judicious  politicians,  who 
seek  a  safe  retreat  from  worry  and  vexation  in  a 
mild  policy  of  indecision  and  wise  delay.  Richard 


202  LEWIS   CASS. 

M.  Johnson  of  Kentucky  was  the  reputed  slayer  of 
Tecumseh.  It  might  be  doubted  whether  this  fact 
of  itself  qualified  him  for  the  presidency ;  but  that 
was  not  the  point  at  issue.  It  unquestionably  added 
to  his  availability  as  a  nominee.  He  had  been  a 
convenient  and  obedient  cat's-paw  for  Jackson,  a 
harmless  and  purposeless  Vice-President  under  Van 
Buren,  and  was  now  refreshingly  frank  and  coyly 
open  in  the  expression  of  his  wants  ;  he  would  take 
either  the  presidency  or  the  vice-presidency  as  the 
party  desired. 

There  was  never  any  real  hope  of  Calhoun's  nom 
ination.  His  opinions  were  too  dangerously  evi 
dent,  and  he  was  the  enemy  of  the  dying  sage  at  the 
Hermitage.  He  exhibited  unexpected  strength, 
however,  even  in  New  York  where  Van  Buren  was 
supposed  to  dominate  matters  ;  for  the  young  men 
of  the  party  admired  the  towering  ability  of  the  old 
nullifier,  who  had  now  apparently  drifted  back 
fairly  within  the  headlands  of  the  Democratic 
haven.  The  experienced  voter  learns  to  estimate 
aright  the  superiority  of  mediocrity ;  but  the  young 
voter  places  too  high  a  valuation  upon  greatness. 
Beyond  all,  Calhoun  was  of  Irish  descent,  and  the 
potent  bond  of  Celtic  sympathy  held  for  him  the 
allegiance  of  a  powerful  political  constituency  in 
the  great  cities  of  the  Atlantic  seaboard,  an  ele 
ment  which  has  never  been  addicted  to  fair-weather 
voting,  or  to  off-year  epidemics,  or  to  despising  the 
primary  meeting.  Since  the  days  of  Jefferson 
there  has  been  an  intimacy  between  the  aristocratic 


A  DEMOCRATIC  LEADER.  203 

South  and  the  congested  population  of  northern 
cities,  —  a  union  based  partly,  perhaps,  on  the  very 
name  of  the  favorite  party ;  partly  on  the  fact  that 
Federalists,  Whigs,  and  Republicans  have  repre 
sented  the  tariff,  the  bank,  internal  improvements, 
and  strong  government ;  partly  on  the  fact  that  the 
immigrant,  who  has  come  to  the  "  land  of  freedom," 
gravitates  without  thought  to  the  party  which  was 
born  of  opposition  to  centralization,  and  was  the  ad 
vocate  of  individualism ;  partly  on  the  fact  that  de 
mocracy  represents  what  is  peculiar  to  America, 
and  is  forcibly  distinct  from  the  civilization  of  trans- 
Atlantic  countries,  and  is  therefore  attractive  to  him 
who  has  shaken  from  his  feet  the  dust  of  old  asso 
ciation.  At  this  time  the  foreign  element,  especially 
the  Irish,  was  strongly  Democratic ;  for  the  Whigs 
seem  to  have  repelled  them,  and  driven  them  to 
vote  "  en  masse  against  the  candidates  of  the  Whig 
party." l  For  immigration  had  begun  and  had 
awakened  the  fears  of  many  Americans.  In  the 
fourth  decade  of  the  century  538,381  emigrants, 
and  in  the  fifth  decade  about  three  times  that  num 
ber,  landed  on  our  coast. 

The  old  competitor  of  the  Democracy  was  in  its 
turn  girding  itself  for  the  race.  There  could  be 
no  doubt  who  would  be  its  leader.  The  victory  of 
Harrison  and  Tyler  in  1840  had  proved  but  a  de 
feat  for  the  Whigs.  Perhaps  it  was  a  just  retribu 
tion  upon  a  party  which  had  contented  itself  with 
declamation  and  innuendo,  and  had  drawn  to  itself 

1  W.  H.  Seward's  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  387. 


204  LEWIS   CASS. 

all  the  vexed  spirits  and  the  homeless  malcontents 
whose  teeth  had  been  set  on  edge  by  the  personal 
government  of  Jackson  or  the  panic  of  1837. 
With  one  accord  this  conglomerate  party,  which 
disappointment  had  pressed  into  some  degree  of 
coherency,  was  decided  this  time  upon  the  nomina 
tion  of  nobody  of  unknown  principles.  It  was 
already  shouting  for  "  Harry  of  the  West,"  who 
was  the  very  impersonation  of  Whig  doctrine  and 
desire.  When  a  party  is  unwilling  to  trust  its 
fortunes  and  its  principles  to  its  true  leader,  and 
when  in  the  hour  of  hope  it  deserts  him  on  whom 
it  relies  in  the  hour  of  trial  and  despair,  its  for 
tunes  are  without  real  value  and  its  principles  of 
no  worth.  If  one  were  to  seek  for  the  secret  of 
the  cohesion  and  the  permanence  of  the  Democratic 
party  he  would  find  it  largely  in  its  devotion  to  its 
leaders  and  its  faith  in  itself. 

There  was  another  party,  whose  presence  in  the 
coming  election,  was  to  have  decisive  influence, 
which  remained  unnoticed  in  the  early  days  of  this 
long  campaign.  Reference  has  already  been  made 
to  the  Liberty  party,  composed  of  voting  aboli 
tionists,  who  had  determined  upon  reaching  their 
ends  by  political  means.  Their  insignificant  vote 
in  1840  had  not  discouraged  them,  and  they  were 
again  marshaling  for  the  conflict  with  unsubdued 
energy  and  enthusiasm.  Northern  opposition  to 
the  "gag  laws "  had  borne  fruit  in  tolerance  for 
abolitionism.  Adams  and  Giddings,  on  the  floor  of 
Congress,  had  fought  a  good  fight,  which  had  won 


A  DEMOCRATIC  LEADER.  205 

the  admiration  of  the  people.  The  "  old  man  elo 
quent"  had  lashed  the  slaveholders  till  they  writhed 
in  mingled  anger  and  chagrin,  and  the  new  Ohio  rep 
resentative,  censured  by  the  House  for  presumptuous 
resolutions  concerning  slavery  as  a  "  municipal " 
and  not  an  international  institution,  had  resigned 
his  seat,  to  be  reflected  by  an  overwhelming  ma 
jority.  These  men  were  the  prophets  crying  in  the 
wilderness,  making  straight  the  way  for  final  salva 
tion  from  the  curse  of  slavery.  Adams  was  antici 
pating  the  creed  of  the  Republican  party  by  twenty 
years,  devoted  to  the  Union,  opposed  to  the  barbar 
ism  of  the  South,  prophesying  that  slavery  would 
be  engulfed  in  the  abyss  if  the  Southern  States, 
in  the  love  of  their  sweet  sin,  should  endeavor  to 
separate  themselves  from  the  Union.  Although 
neither  of  these  men  can  be  considered  a  member 
in  good  standing  of  the  Liberty  party  as  a  politi 
cal  organization,  they  blazed  the  way  for  constitu 
tional  and  legal  opposition.  They  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  thoughtful,  and  won  the  respect 
and  sympathy  of  the  generous.  Yet  Birney  himself 
fiercely  assaulted  Adams  in  a  letter  to  his  party, 
and  in  the  very  district  of  the  old  hero  cooperated 
with  the  Democrats  to  defeat  him.  It  was  one  of 
the  best  instances  of  the  way  in  which  principle 
sometimes  runs  away  with  reason,  and  sense  is 
smothered  in  sentiment. 

Of  the  Tyler  faction  there  is  little  to  be  said. 
With  a  great  estimation  of  himself  and  his  popu 
larity  in  the  country,  the  President  seems  actually 


206  LEWIS   CASS. 

to  have  anticipated  the  support  of  the  people.  He 
had  turned  his  back  on  every  Whig  measure  and 
read  every  Whig  guide-post  backward,  until  at  the 
end  of  his  administration  he  had  passed  by  even 
ultra-Democracy,  and  was  hand  and  glove  with 
John  C.  Calhoun  himself.  A  free  use  of  the  spoils 
of  office  had  failed  to  create  a  party  devoted  to 
his  interests,  and  in  isolated  self-sufficiency  his 
complacency  was  fed  by  the  flattery  of  a  cunning 
"  kitchen  cabinet,"  which  ruled  him  and  moulded 
his  whims  to  suit  themselves.  The  people  abso 
lutely  refused  to  dance  to  his  piping,  and  his  "  great 
country  party  "  proved  but  a  sorry  court  party  of 
office-holders  and  office-seekers  and  political  pa 
riahs. 

One  question  was  coming  ever  more  prominently 
before  the  country  —  should  Texas  be  annexed  ? 
It  will  not  do  to  go  into  the  early  history  of  the 
Lone  Star  Kepublic  and  show  how  it  broke  away 
from  stagnant  Mexico,  how  it  was  colonized  by 
slave-owners  from  the  Southern  States,  who  were 
intent  from  the  first  on  gaining  new  fields  and  in 
troducing  their  system,  and  by  that  element  of  our 
population  which  is  always  ready  for  excitement 
and  peril.  The  annexation  plan  began  in  conspi 
racy  ;  it  was  carried  along  by  the  dark  and  devious 
machinery  of  sly  diplomacy ;  it  ended  in  a  dis 
graceful  war,  waged  under  false  pretenses,  and 
brought  by  swaggering  success  to  a  shameful  end. 

Tyler  thrust  the  Texas  question  into  the  face  of 
the  country.  Webster  retired  from  the  foreign 


A  DEMOCRATIC  LEADER.  207 

office  in  May,  1843,  and  after  a  short  interim,  when 
the  duties  of  the  office  were  performed  by  Legare, 
Upshur  was  appointed,  to  be  followed  on  his  death 
by  Calhoun.  The  appointment  of  the  great  advo 
cate  of  slavery  meant  that  annexation  would  be 
carried  to  a  conclusion.  The  plan  had  for  some  time 
been  cautiously  whispered  over  in  meetings  of  the 
President's  intimates.  Upshur  had  used  a  bullying 
tone  to  Mexico,  and  hints  of  affectionate  consider 
ation  had  been  given  to  Texas.  Calhoun,  now  at 
the  head  of  a  proslavery  Cabinet,  and  the  adviser 
of  a  slaveholding  President,  bent  his  energies  to 
obtain  more  territory  where  the  industrial  system 
of  the  South  might  have  more  room  and  full  play. 
The  annexation  of  Texas  is  the  first  great  effort 
on  the  part  of  the  slave  States  to  get  vantage 
ground  for  bond  labor  in  its  unequal  wrestle  with 
the  labor  of  the  North.  Of  course,  vainglory  and 
national  pride  clothed  a  loathsome  plan  with  pa 
triotism,  and  blinded  the  eyes  of  many  people  to 
its  real  intent.  Immediate  "  re-annexation "  was 
daily  becoming  more  popular  as  a  campaign  cry, 
and  it  soon  became  evident  that  it  must  be  a  deter 
mining  quantity  in  the  coming  election.  In  spite 
of  the  fact  that  the  idea  had  at  first  shocked  and 
surprised  the  people,  when  they  were  allowed  to 
look  behind  the  curtain,  they  soon  endured  it,  and 
at  last  embraced  it.  Every  day  the  danger  became 
more  imminent  that  no  candidate  could  expect 
southern  sympathy  and  support  who  was  unwilling 
to  adopt  as  his  own  this  unjustifiable  scheme.  It 


208  LEWIS   CASS. 

did  not  appear  to  the  whole  North  in  its  worst 
light,  for  there  was  a  cry  that  England  had  her 
hand  in  the  mess,  and  that  if  the  United  States  was 
not  on  the  watch  the  Lone  Star  would  be  added  to 
the  Union  Jack.  Such  artful  and  revolting  deception 
was  enough  to  awaken  the  patriotism  of  the  North, 
although  the  truth  seems  to  be  that  all  that  Eng 
land  desired  was  to  win  Texas  for  abolition  and 
liberty,  —  at  the  same  time,  however,  probably  de 
siring  that  no  other  power  should  profit  by  annex 
ation. 

On  the  same  day  in  April,  1844,  two  letters  ap 
peared  opposing  the  acquisition  of  Texas.  One 
was  from  Clay,  who  believed  that  he  could  recon 
cile  friends  and  foes.1  The  other  was  from  Van 
Buren,  who  entered  into  a  full  discussion  of  the 
matter  from  its  beginning,  and  expressed  his  un 
qualified  dissent  from  annexation.  Clay  had  not 
materially  injured  his  chances,  for  the  Whig  party 
was  never  so  strong  in  the  South  or  so  bed-ridden 
with  slavery  as  was  the  Democratic ;  but  from  the 
date  of  this  letter  Van  Buren' s  prestige  began  to 
decline.  Hitherto  he  had  bent  the  suppliant  knee 
to  the  slavocracy ;  but  here  was  a  breach  of  disci 
pline  not  to  be  tolerated,  and  a  search  was  begun 
for  a  candidate  who  could  be  relied  on.  Jackson 
had  already  written  a  letter  in  favor  of  annexa 
tion,  in  which  he  spoke  of  the  necessity  of  having 
Texas  for  military  reasons,  and  called  up  the  hor 
rors  of  a  servile  insurrection  which  might  be  en- 

1  Coleman's  Crittenden,  p.  218. 


A  DEMOCRATIC  LEADER.  209 

gendered  by  a  British  army,  if  the  territory  did 
not  fall  to  us.  A  second  letter  from  Old  Hickory, 
wrung  from  him  by  Van  Buren's  friends,  disclosed 
him  clinging  to  both  poles,  —  true  to  Van  Buren 
and  true  to  annexation,  intimating  that  his  past 
grand  protege  had  spoken  in  ignorance,  and  that 
all  would  be  right  when  it  came  to  the  pinch. 

Cass  was  ready  to  throw  himself  into  the  breach. 
He  had  been  urged  by  friends  to  embrace  his  op 
portunity  the  moment  that  Van  Buren  declared 
against  Texas.  A  letter  written  from  Detroit,  May 
10th,  was  decidedly  for  annexation.  It  was  ad 
dressed  to  Hon.  E.  A.  Hannegan,  at  Washington. 
Its  publication  won  for  him  support  from  the  im 
mediate  annexationists.  It  struck  the  old  key,  and 
the  only  one  which  could  awaken  a  sympathetic 
response  in  the  North.  Praising  the  "  intuitive 
sagacity  "  of  Jackson,  and  appealing  to  American 
fear  and  jealousy  of  English  ambition,  Cass  put 
this  question,  shrewdly  adapted  to  inspire  the  pa 
triotism  of  the  North  and  to  excite  the  South  to 
fury :  "  What  more  favorable  position  could  be 
taken  for  the  occupation  of  English  black  troops, 
and  for  letting  them  loose  upon  our  Southern 
States  than  is  afforded  by  Texas  ?  "  The  end  of 
this  letter  was  worthy  of  the  beginning :  "  Every  day 
satisfies  me  more  and  more  that  a  majority  of  the 
American  people  are  in  favor  of  annexation.  Were 
they  not,  the  measure  ought  not  to  be  effected. 
But  as  they  are,  the  sooner  it  is  effected  the  better. 
I  do  not  touch  the  details  of  the  negotiation.  That 


210  LEWIS   CASS. 

must  be  left  to  the  responsibility  of  the  govern 
ment."  1  Vox  populi,  vox  del.  Into  how  many 
slums  and  sloughs  of  wickedness  did  that  absurd 
Democratic  shibboleth  summon  the  country  !  There 
was  to  be  no  virtue  in  statesmanship  except  in 
clairvoyant  reading  of  the  popular  will.  Obedi 
ence  was  the  first  and  greatest  commandment,  and 
a  regard  for  it  allowed  the  politician  and  self-seeker 
to  pose  as  a  ministering  angel  obeying  the  divine 
voice. 

Yet  one  who  studies  the  career  of  Cass  from  the 
beginning  will  see  elements  of  earnestness  and 
sincerity  in  this  letter,  demagogic  as  it  seems  at 
first.  It  was  another  instance  of  his  somewhat 
absurd  yet  natural  antipathy  to  England.  More 
over,  his  practice  had  been  from  the  beginning  to 
respect  and  cherish  the  whims  and  fancies  of  the 
people ;  his  admiration  for  Jackson  was  not  feigned. 
Had  he  opposed  the  annexation  of  Texas  he  might 
have  had  little  chance  of  nomination  in  1844,  but 
his  reputation  for  honesty  and  independence  would 
be  higher  with  this  generation.  It  is  nevertheless 
not  fair  to  brand  a  man  as  a  "  doughface  "  because 
he  happens  to  be  desirous  of  office  and  to  advocate 
a  plan  of  action  to  which  thousands  around  him 
are  attracted.  Had  he  not  been  a  candidate  for 
honors  in  the  Democratic  convention,  his  wish  for 
Texas  would  not  seem  strange  to  any  one ;  it  would 
be  entirely  consistent  with  his  vigorous  American 
nature,  with  his  broad  western  enthusiasm  for 

1  Niles,  vol.  Ixvi.  p.  197. 


A  DEMOCRATIC  LEADER.  211 

"bigness"  and  empire.  His  later  championship 
of  our  right  to  "  all  Oregon  "  has  never  been  at 
tributed  to  demagoguery  and  insincerity,  nor  could 
it  be.  The  longing  for  territory  is  much  the  same, 
whether  the  land  lies  toward  the  equator  or  the 
pole.  To  call  a  man  a  "  doughface  "  and  a  "  north 
ern  man  with  southern  principles,"  without  at 
tempting  to  show  acts  inconsistent  with  character, 
training,  sectional  influence,  and  previous  beha 
vior  ;  to  denounce  him  as  a  hypocrite  without  stat 
ing  more  than  one  fact  from  which  to  infer  hypoc 
risy,  is  a  practice  more  fitted  to  political  harangues 
than  to  history.  We  are  just  recovering  from  the 
habit  of  talking  as  if  every  one  who  was  not  an 
abolitionist  or  directly  in  favor  of  the  uprooting  of 
slavery  was  morally  weak,  if  not  spiritually  and 
mentally  crooked.  This  condemns  nine  out  of  ten 
men  at  the  North  in  the  fifth  decade  of  the  cen 
tury.  It  gives  no  room  even  for  the  play  of  con 
servatism,  for  doubt,  for  mental  inertia,  for  the 
feeling  so  common  at  the  beginning  of  every  great 
moral  movement  that  the  agitator  is  a  senseless  fa 
natic. 

After  the  appearance  of  Clay's  letter,  there  was 
short  time  for  discussion  before  the  Whig  conven 
tion  assembled  at  Baltimore.  Of  course  Clay  was 
nominated  by  acclamation ;  a  very  whirlwind  of  ap 
plause  announced  the  beginning  of  a  campaign  with 
confidence  and  enthusiasm.  Theodore  Frelinghuy- 
sen  was  nominated  for  vice-president.  A  ratifica 
tion  meeting,  one  of  the  greatest  pageants  in  the 


212  LEWIS   CASS. 

history  of  electioneering  pomps,  was  addressed  the 
next  day  by  the  orators  of  the  party.  Even  Web 
ster,  leaving  his  dalliance  with  "  Tylerism,"  found 
his  way  back  into  the  old  ranks,  and  thundered 
out  his  approbation  of  the  work  of  the  convention. 
There  was  no  long  and  involved  statement  of  prin 
ciples.  The  name  of  Clay  was  enough.  The  con 
vention  was  content  with  a  short  creed  :  "  A  tariff 
for  revenue  to  defray  the  necessary  expenses  of  the 
government,  and  discrimination  with  special  refer 
ence  to  the  protection  of  the  domestic  labor  of  the 
country ;  the  distribution  of  the  proceeds  of  the 
sales  of  public  lands ;  a  single  term  for  the  presi 
dency  ;  a  reform  of  executive  usurpations ;  and 
generally  such  an  administration  of  the  affairs  of 
the  country  as  shall  impart  to  every  branch  of  the 
public  service  the  greatest  practicable  efficiency, 
controlled  by  a  well-regulated  and  wise  economy." 

Upon  the  publication  of  Van  Buren's  letter  op 
posing  annexation,  the  South  looked  around  cau 
tiously  for  another  candidate  on  whom  it  could 
rely,  and  when  the  convention  met  Van  Buren  did 
not  receive  the  full  vote  of  a  single  slaveholding 
State  except  Missouri.  Calhoun  had  withdrawn. 
The  South  had  fallen  away  to  Cass  and  Johnson. 
Except  to  those  who  saw  how  set  the  wind,  the 
nomination  of  Van  Buren  must  have  seemed  pre 
destined.  State  conventions  in  all  parts  of  the 
Union  had  instructed  their  delegates  to  vote  for 
him,  and  it  was  certain  that  he  would  have  a  ma 
jority  on  the  first  ballot.  Mutterings  and  com- 


A  DEMOCRATIC  LEADER.  213 

plaints,  ominous  of  disaffection,  were  heard  in  the 
Southern  States,  and  yet  no  one  could  have  fore 
seen  that  opposition  to  re-annexation  had  so  under 
mined  him.  This  convention  is  an  interesting  one 
from  more  than  one  point  of  view.  The  northern 
wing  of  the  Democratic  party  was  clipped  and  crip 
pled,  as  it  was  to  be  so  many  times  in  the  future. 
The  South,  with  definite  purpose  begotten  of  com 
mon  material  interest,  won  its  way.  This  convention 
marks  a  differentiation  between  the  Democracy  with 
its  southern  proclivities  and  the  Whig  party,  which 
was  hourly  drifting  farther  from  such  moorings. 
The  Democracy  was  going  over  to  the  South ;  the 
Whig  party  was  getting  entangled  in  the  skein  of 
"free  soil  and  free  men."  In  spite  of  the  fact  that 
the  Van  Buren  men  had  a  majority  of  the  conven 
tion,  and  indeed  because  of  that  fact,  a  motion  was 
adopted  requiring  that  a  vote  of  two  thirds  was 
necessary  for  a  choice,  a  plan  used  in  two  previous 
conventions.  That  the  motion  could  be  carried 
amid  much  argument  for  its  democracy  and  other 
absurd  falsehoods,  proves  that  delegates  instructed 
to  vote  for  Van  Buren  were  ready  to  defeat  him 
and  to  vote  for  Cass  or  any  other  available  Texas 
candidate.  Butler  of  New  York  and  others  ar 
gued  against  the  adoption  of  that  rule,  which  has 
more  than  once  muzzled  a  Democratic  convention, 
but  it  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  148  to  118,  almost 
every  one  of  the  Southern  States  voting  solidly  for 
the  resolution. 

The  convention  met  on  May   27th.     The  first 


214  LEWIS   CASS. 

ballot  was  taken  on  the  afternoon  of  Tuesday, 
giving  151  for  Van  Buren,  83  for  Cass,  24  for 
Johnson,  and  scattering  votes  for  other  candidates. 
This  showed  a  clear  majority  of  31  for  Van  Bu 
ren.  Seven  ballots  were  taken  in  succession. 
In  the  second  Cass's  vote  increased  to  94,  aided 
especially  by  votes  from  the  New  England  States. 
The  seventh  gave  Van  Buren  99,  and  Cass  123. 
Every  ballot  showed  the  Michigan  man  steadily 
gaining,  and  no  other  candidate  holding  his  own. 
But  after  an  ineffectual  effort  to  have  the  two  thirds 
rule  rescinded,  the  convention  adjourned  until  the 
next  morning.  During  the  night  the  wire-pullers 
set  their  machine  in  motion.  Amid  a  great  deal 
of  confusion  and  display  of  ill-temper  an  eighth 
vote  was  taken,  in  which  Cass  fell  to  114,  and 
James  K.  Polk  of  Tennessee  received  44.  The 
trap  had  been  sprung.  A  stampede,  that  well- 
known  phenomenon  of  these  latter  days,  was  begun. 
The  States  swung  slowly  over  to  the  new  man,  and 
before  the  ninth  ballot  was  finished  the  convention 
was  in  an  uproar.  States  changed  their  votes 
from  Cass,  and  Polk  was  unanimously  nominated. 
Cass  had  directed  the  delegates  from  Michigan  to 
withdraw  his  name  at  any  time  in  the  interest  of 
harmony.  Texas  annexation  had  won  the  day. 
The  Democratic  party,  shorn  of  its  manhood,  was 
wooing  the  infamous  policy  of  Tyler,  Calhoun,  and 
slavery  extension.  George  M.  Dallas  of  Penn 
sylvania  was  chosen  for  second  place  on  the  ticket, 
to  mollify  the  protectionists  of  the  home-market 
State. 


A  DEMOCRATIC  LEADER.  215 

Polk  was  the  first  "  dark  horse  "  of  the  political 
race-course.  "  The  nomination  was  a  surprise  and 
a  marvel  to  the  country."  J  Ben  ton  could  find  but 
two  small  occurrences  which  might  have  served  as 
a  warning  of  what  was  coming.  These  were  well 
calculated  to  deceive  the  people,  and  the  conse 
quence  was  that  the  result  of  the  convention  be 
wildered  the  common  voter.  "Who  the  devil  is 
Polk?"  was  an  inquiry  constantly  made,  furnish 
ing  the  Whigs  with  unlimited  glee.  The  idea  of 
pitting  an  unknown  fledgeling  against  their  peerless 
Clay  seemed  ridiculous,  and  Whig  success  from 
the  outset  was  believed  to  be  assured.  The  con 
vention  is  an  early  example  of  the  efficiency  of 
such  a  tool  in  the  hands  of  the  skillful  politician, 
who  has  room  for  his  work  from  the  primary  cau 
cus  up  to  the  final  nomination. 

Had  Cass  been  nominated,  inasmuch  as  he  was 
pledged  for  annexation,  he  would  without  doubt 
have  been  elected,  and  the  canvass  would  have  been 
a  fair  combat  with  equal  weapons  ;  but  as  Polk 
was  nominated  by  underhand  methods,  and  against 
the  wishes  of  the  bulk  of  the  party,  so  the  cam 
paign  was  one  of  falsehood  and  intrigue.  The 
Democrats  were  at  first  capable  only  of  sad  jollity 
in  the  presence  of  the  excitement  and  confidence 
of  the  Whigs,  but  as  the  months  went  on  this 
unknown  chieftain  aroused  unexpected  enthusi 
asm,  and  it  became  apparent  that  Polk,  with  the 
added  cubit  of  annexation,  was  not  the  pigmy 
1  Benton's  Thirty  Years'  View,  vol.  ii.  p.  594. 


216  LEWIS   CASS. 

which  he  had  been  first  considered  by  his  supercili 
ous  opponents.  "  Polk,  Dallas,  and  the  Tariff  of 
1842  "  was  a  mighty  battle-cry.  Never  has  there 
been  anything  more  shameful  in  political  warfare 
than  the  brazen  charge  in  the  North  that  Polk  was 
more  friendly  to  the  tariff  than  was  Henry  Clay 
himself.  With  magnificent  effrontery  the  Whigs 
were  dared  to  repeal  their  pet  tariff.  But  Texas, 
not  the  tariff,  was  the  question  of  the  campaign, 
and  had  Clay  been  guided  to  the  end  by  his  earlier 
and  better  motives,  he  might  have  won  the  day. 
Texas  was  destined  to  be  an  American  State,  —  its 
annexation  meant  more  territory  for  slavery ;  and 
it  can  hardly  be  claimed  that  Clay  seriously  ob 
jected  because  such  would  have  been  the  result  of 
its  acquisition.  Nevertheless,  had  the  Whigs  been 
victorious,  the  Mexican  war  might  have  been 
averted ;  Texas  perhaps  might  have  been  secured 
without  a  shameless  disregard  of  constitutional  law 
and  common  national  courtesy. 

Clay,  however,  was  uneasy.  Trustful  in  his  own 
tact  and  his  knowledge  of  the  popular  feelings,  his 
ready  pen  flowed  smoothly  on  in  letter  after  letter, 
until  at  last  appeared  his  famous  Alabama  letter : 
"  Far  from  having  any  personal  objection  to  the 
annexation  of  Texas,  I  should  be  glad  to  see  it 
annexed  without  dishonor,  without  war,  with  the 
common  consent  of  the  Union,  and  upon  just  and 
fair  terms."  The  letters,  written  to  win  southern 
voters,  did  not  win  them,  but  simply  weakened  his 
support  at  the  North.  For  the  Liberty  party  was 


A  DEMOCRATIC  LEADER.  217 

again  in  the  field,  with  Birney  at  its  head  for  the 
second  time,  and  the  "  Alabama  letter  "  was  an  effi 
cient  weapon  in  many  of  the  Northern  States.  In 
the  North  Clay  was  attacked  as  a  friend  to  annexa 
tion,  and  in  the  South  as  a  foe  to  it.  One  Whig 
afterwards  wittily  remarked  that  "  the  only  qualifi 
cation  he  should  ask  of  a  candidate  in  the  future 
would  be  that  he  could  neither  read  nor  write." 
It  has  been  positively  asserted  recently  that  Bir- 
ney's  vote  was  greatly  decreased  by  the  "  Garland 
forgery,"  concocted  by  the  Whig  central  committee 
of  Michigan ; 2  but  without  doubt  Clay's  letter 
added  more  to  the  Liberty  vote  than  was  lost  by 
any  other  means.  How  deeply  that  shaft  struck 
home  is  apparent  in  reading  the  autobiography  of 
Thuiiow  Weed,  where  he  exposes  the  inmost  re 
cesses  of  his  political  soul;  he  sighs  and  mourns 
over  that  fatal  blunder  years  after  it  had  dealt  its 
destruction.  The  vote  of  the  Liberty  party  was 
greater  in  New  York  than  the  Democratic  majority, 
and  if  they  had  united  against  Polk  and  annexation, 
Clay,  who  represented  the  better  elements  of  the 
political  life  of  the  time,  would  have  been  elected. 
Birney's  home  was  now  in  Michigan,  and  here,  too, 
his  party  held  the  balance  of  power.  It  was  omi 
nous.  The  free  Northwest  was  becoming  imbued 
with  the  abolition  feeling.  Cass's  own  State  was 
drifting  away  from  proslavery  Democracy.  It  will 

1  Quoted  in  Schouler's  History  of  the  United  States,  vol.  iv.  p. 
478. 

2  James  G.  Birney  and  His  Times,  p.  354. 


218  LEWIS   CASS. 

be  seen  later  how  his  fortunes  were  influenced  by 
the  growth  of  this  sentiment.  "  The  abolitionists 
deserve  to  be  damned,  and  they  will  be,"  was  a 
usual  expression  of  a  common  feeling.  But  only 
four  years  later  the  Whigs  of  the  Northwest  were 
dangerously  near  the  principles  of  the  party  so 
forcibly  condemned  in  1844. 

Cass  took  an  active  part  in  the  campaign,  not 
traveling  over  the  whole  country  to  speak  for  Polk 
and  Texas,  but  using  his  influence  steadily  for  the 
ticket,  and  not  sulking  in  his  tent  because  of  his 
own  failure.  A  grand  Democratic  mass  meeting 
at  Nashville,  where  Polk  himself  was  present,  was 
one  of  the  monster  meetings  so  frequent  during  that 
summer  when  men,  dropping  ordinary  pursuits, 
gave  themselves  up  to  the  joyful  excitement  so  dear 
to  the  politics-loving  people  of  the  country.  Cass 
was  one  of  the  orators  of  the  occasion,  and  on  his  way 
back  to  Detroit  addressed  "  immense  multitudes  " 
at  various  places  in  Ohio  and  Indiana  on  the  issues 
of  the  campaign.  All  audiences  were  then  "  huge 
concourses"  or  "immense  multitudes,"  if  we  are 
to  believe  the  head-lines  of  the  times ;  and  without 
doubt  the  Northwest  was  alive  and  interested. 
Cass  returned  to  Detroit,  prophesying  that  the 
Northwest  would  give  its  suffrages  for  the  Demo 
cratic  ticket.  All  but  Ohio  answered  his  expecta 
tions,  and  in  that  State  Clay  received  about  20,000 
less  votes  than  Harrison  had  received  four  years 
before.  The  Northwest,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that 
it  had  begun  to  lean  toward  free  soil,  was  evidently 


A  DEMOCRATIC  LEADER.  219 

still  clinging  to  the  idol  of  its  youth.  If  Cass  was 
in  favor  of  annexation  so  was  his  section,  so  were 
his  friends  and  companions  in  business  and  poli 
tics.  This  is  not  complete  justification.  A  states 
man  should  be  a  leader,  and  should  create  sound 
public  sentiment.  But  we  must  remember  that  a 
belief  in  the  sacredness  of  popular  clamor  was  a 
living  faith  with  the  true  Democratic  statesman  of 
that  time ;  we  must  remember  that  Cass  was  a 
western  man,  and  filled  with  the  western  spirit ; 
national  grandeur  and  boldness  in  action,  so  much 
admired  by  the  western  settler,  had  their  charms 
for  him.  It  is  just  to  take  into  account  atmosphere 
and  environment. 

The  "  dark  horse  "  and  his  black  policy,  sped  by 
fraud  and  political  trickery,  won  the  day.  The 
nation  seemed  hushed  and  dumbfounded  at  its  own 
act.  There  was  little  rejoicing  among  the  success 
ful,  and  no  glorification ;  for  many  had  voted  for 
Polk  only  in  reluctant  obedience  to  the  party  whip. 
"  It  is  hardly  possible  at  this  day,"  says  an  obser 
ver,  "  to  conceive  the  distress  which  pervaded  the 
city  of  Philadelphia  the  night  following  the  news, 
and  for  many  days  after.  It  was  as  if  the  first 
born  of  every  family  had  been  stricken  down. 
The  city  next  day  was  clothed  in  gloom  ;  thousands 
of  women  were  weeping,  but  none  exulting." l 
The  election  of  Polk  meant  the  immediate  annex 
ation  of  Texas,  war  with  Mexico,  the  consequent 
purchase  of  California,  Nevada,  and  Arizona ;  it 

1  Sargent,  Public  Men  and  Events,  vol.  ii.  p.  250. 


220  LEWIS   CASS. 

meant  that  the  golden  sands  of  that  western  wil 
derness  would  be  sifted  and  its  quartz  crushed,  that 
a  magnificent  city  of  American  industry  and 
American  liberty  would  stretch  itself  along  the 
windy  heights  within  the  Golden  Gate ;  it  meant 
that  American  civilization  was  to  penetrate  into  the 
nooks  and  corners  of  a  country  which  might  not 
have  given  its  blessings  to  the  world  for  centuries  if 
held  by  the  nerveless  hand  of  Mexico.  But  one  is 
led  to  query  whether  wealth  and  national  grandeur 
are  fairly  purchased  by  dishonor.  Even  before  the 
great  apostle  of  annexation  reached  the  presidential 
chair,  Tyler  and  Calhoun  had  made  the  last  propose 
tion,  and  only  the  finishing  touches  were  needed  to 
bring  Texas  within  the  fold. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

SENATOR.  —  CANDIDATE   FOR  THE  PRESIDENCY.  - 
SQUATTER   SOVEREIGNTY. 

ON  February  4,  1845,  Cass  was  elected  to  the 
United  States  Senate  from  Michigan,  and  he  was 
present  at  the  special  session  in  March.  He  was 
appointed  to  the  second  place  on  the  Committee 
on  Foreign  Relations,  and  during  the  remainder 
of  his  public  life  was  greatly  interested  in  matters 
of  international  concern.  He  at  once  took  a  prom 
inent  and  influential  position,  and  was  recognized 
as  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Senate.  His  speeches 
were  often  too  learned  and  too  long  to  be  convinc 
ing  ;  his  cumbersome  sentences  were  not  always 
enlivening ;  but  when  he  rose  to  speak  on  a  sub 
ject  in  which  he  was  much  interested  he  was  always 
impressive.  His  large  figure,  his  finely  shaped 
head,  his  firm  mouth,  and  intelligent  features 
bespoke  earnestness,  thoughtfulness,  and  intellec 
tual  integrity.  Through  the  rest  of  his  life  he  was 
the  great  champion  of  Americanism  and  national 
honor;  and  though  his  continual  guardianship  of 
of  our  country  sometimes  caused  a  laugh  at  his 
expense  in  the  few  merry  days  which  the  Senate 
enjoyed  during  these  troublous  times,  his  true  pa 
triotic  fervor  and  his  serious  appreciation  of  our 


222  LEWIS   CAS 8. 

needs  and  our  dangers  won  respect,  while  his  cour 
teous  demeanor  and  his  frank  friendliness,  which 
knew  not  jealousy  or  envy,  endeared  him  to  politi 
cal  foes,  and  disarmed  factious  opposition. 

The  Democratic  convention  of  the  preceding  cam 
paign  had  mollified  northern  resentment  by  coup 
ling  the  "  re-occupation  "  of  Oregon  with  the  "  re- 
annexation"  of  Texas.  Care  for  Oregon  had  long 
been  a  favorite  northwestern  policy,  and  no  doubt 
the  proclamation  of  these  unexpected  bans  by  the 
Democratic  party  contributed  largely  to  its  success 
in  that  portion  of  the  country.  Cass  entered  the 
Senate  bent  on  re-occupation,  filled  as  usual  with 
the  aggressive,  hastening  spirit  of  his  ambitious 
section.  Polk,  in  his  inaugural,  had  declared  the 
undoubted  right  of  the  United  States  to  the  whole 
of  Oregon,  and  now  the  country  rang  with  another 
artful  alliteration,  which  was  intended  to  drown 
all  feeble  appeals  to  sense.  Russia  had  receded 
into  the  rains  of  Alaska  north  of  54°  40',  and 
America  now  claimed  all  the  country  intervening 
between  the  northern  boundary  of  California,  then 
Mexican  territory,  and  the  southern  line  of  the 
Russian  possessions.  "  Fifty-four  forty  or  fight !  " 
was  well  calculated  to  tickle  the  brains  of  the 
thoughtless  and  to  arouse  the  ambition  of  the  West. 
There  has  always  been  an  uneasy  element  in  our 
country  preferring  the  adventure  of  new  settlement 
to  the  restriction  and  comfort  of  existence  in  older 
communities.  The  rough  Northwest  was  already 
getting  too  crowded  for  these  restless  spirits. 


SENATOR.  223 

People  started  in  long  caravans  on  their  tiresome 
journey  over  the  dry  and  dreary  plains  of  the  West 
in  search  of  new  homes  on  the  Columbia  River, 
encouraged  by  the  burning  hope  of  the  adventurer 
and  by  patriotic  devotion,  fully  persuaded  of  a  duty 
to  wrest  Oregon,  as  well  as  Texas,  from  the  clutch 
of  England. 

But  Polk  was  only  half-hearted.  Texas  was 
made  ours,  and  afterward  Oregon  seemed  not  of  so 
much  consequence  to  him.  Buchanan,  the  new 
secretary  of  state,  offered  to  accept  the  line  of  49°, 
which  already  bounded  our  possessions  as  far  as  the 
Rocky  Mountains.  The  proposition  was  immedi 
ately  rejected  by  the  British  minister ;  and  our 
government,  piqued  at  the  refusal  of  a  fair  compro 
mise,  presented  claims  to  the  whole  region.  Such 
was  the  state  of  affairs  when  Congress  assembled 
in  December,  1845.  Although  a  new  member,  Cass 
was  not  a  stranger  to  national  affairs,  and  the  Ore 
gon  matter  came  near  to  northwestern  feeling  and 
appealed  peculiarly  to  personal  prejudices.  On 
December  9th  he  introduced  a  resolution  on  the 
defenses  of  the  country,1  and  a  few  days  later  sup 
ported  it  in  an  able  speech,  in  which  he  held  up 
the  spectre  of  war,  and  insisted  that  nothing  but 
sensible  precautions  would  avoid  armed  collision 
with  Great  Britain.  This  was  the  beginning  of  the 
"  exciting  and  at  times  inflammatory  debates  on  the 
Oregon  question,  which  lasted,  with  intervals,  for 
months."  2  In  January  he  delivered  a  long  and 

1  Congressional  Globe. 

2  Sargent,  Public  Men  and  Events,  vol.  ii,  p.  271. 


224  LEWIS   CASS. 

eloquent  address  on  European  interference  in  Amer 
ican  affairs,  and  until  the  determination  of  the  con 
troversy  he  was  the  leader  of  the  "fifty-four  forties " 
in  the  Senate.  His  continual  reference  to  an  "  in 
evitable  "  war  came  to  be  a  source  of  amusement 
to  the  senators ;  but  in  the  midst  of  all  the  heat 
and  anger  of  a  discussion,  which  almost  equaled  in 
acerbity  the  fiercest  debates  on  the  slavery  question, 
Cass  never  forgot  his  courtesy  or  lowered  his  dig 
nity  by  personal  abuse.  The  good  humor  of  his 
intense  earnestness  is  illustrated  by  the  story  of  his 
rising  to  speak  with  the  statement  that  he  was  not 
going  to  make  a  war  speech  nor  use  the  word  "  in 
evitable."  He  had  not  proceeded  far,  however,  be 
fore  the  use  of  the  familiar  word  put  the  House  into 
roars  of  laughter  at  his  expense,  in  which  he  joined 
as  heartily  as  any.1  It  was  during  these  debates 
that  Crittenden  castigated  Allen  of  Ohio  so  severely 
for  his  superciliousness  and  invective,  and  that  Han- 
negan  of  Indiana  made  use  of  an  expression  often 
appropriated  since  in  political  screeds :  if  Polk,  he 
said,  had,  during  election,  advocated  the  occupation 
of  Georgia  for  mere  buncombe  and  claptrap,  he 
would  be  doomed  "to  an  infamy  so  profound,  a 
damnation  so  deep,  that  the  hand  of  resurrection 
will  never  be  able  to  drag  him  forth."  2 

It  is  impossible  to  go  into  the  whole  discussion 
of  the  Oregon  question.     Such  controversies  which 

1  Sargent,  Public  Men  and  Events,  vol.  ii.  p.  273.     Newspaper 
clippings  in  private  papers  of  Cass. 

2  Benton,  vol.  ii.  p.  665. 


SENATOR.  225 

find  their  origin  and  arguments  in  the  diplomacy 
of  long  past  days,  or  in  the  uncertainties  of  dis 
covery  and  exploration,  can  be  ended  by  compro 
mise  alone,  unless  the  stern  hand  of  war  interferes. 
America  had  a  color  of  title  to  the  territory  as  far 
as  the  possessions  of  Russia ;  but  that  is  about  all 
that  can  be  said  of  it.  Claims  were  traced  back  to 
the  early  Spanish  discoveries  on  the  one  hand,  and 
to  the  voyage  of  the  buccaneer  Drake  on  the  other. 
For  Spain  by  the  treaty  of  1819  had  ceded  all  her 
claims  to  the  United  States.  In  spite,  therefore,  of 
a  number  of  long  orations  from  Cass,  who  showed 
a  depth  of  historical  knowledge  and  a  power  of 
arrangement  and  argument  which  made  him  the 
equal  of  Webster  and  of  Benton  in  these  debates, 
the  controversy  ended  in  compromise.  Seldom 
does  a  senator  in  his  first  session  step  forward  into 
leadership ;  but  Cass  seemed  in  a  moment  to  be 
at  home,  and  was  recognized  immediately  as  chief 
opponent  or  ally.  He  was  of  course  struggling  to 
keep  himself  so  before  the  public  that  his  nomina 
tion  in  1848  might  be  certain.  His  speeches  were 
carefully  printed,  and  a  judicious  circulation  of  them 
kept  him  prominent  as  the  patriotic  champion  of 
American  privileges.  Although  attached  to  party, 
he  absolutely  refused  to  be  identified  with  the  ad 
ministration  on  this  issue.  It  was  a  movement  of 
his  own.  He  could  count  on  the  sympathy  of  the 
West,  at  least,  and  upon  the  common  jealousy  of 
England ;  and  in  so  far  as  the  Oregon  question  as 
sumed  serious  form,  or  in  so  far  as  threats  and 


226  LEWIS   CAS8. 

precautionary  preparations  for  hostility  brought 
England  to  less  arrogant  consideration  of  the  case, 
the  credit  is  largely  due  to  Cass. 

England  was  not  pleased  at  all  this.  The  Presi 
dent,  in  a  special  message  in  March,  advised  an  in 
crease  of  the  army  and  navy.  On  the  receipt  in  Lon 
don  of  the  news  that  the  House  had  passed  a  joint 
resolution  to  give  the  one  year  notice  for  terminating 
the  joint  occupancy  of  Oregon,  stocks  fell  one  per 
cent,  and  consols  more  than  two  per  cent.1  Both 
countries,  however,  soon  softened  down  for  amicable 
settlement.  The  forty-ninth  parallel  was  taken  as 
the  boundary  as  far  west  as  its  intersection  with  the 
channel  "  which  separates  the  continent  from  Van 
couver's  Island."  Cass  and  thirteen  other  extrem 
ists  voted  against  ratification  in  vain.  Compromise 
was  sensible  ;  but  had  it  not  been  for  the  "  bluff  " 
of  the  " fifty-four  forties"  a  fair  bargain  would 
have  been  reached  only  with  difficulty,  if  at  all. 
Had  every  one  been  as  ready  to  renounce  all  claims 
as  were  Webster  and  others  from  the  beginning, 
the  outcome  would  have  been  doubtful. 

Even  more  serious  matters  were  holding  the  at 
tention  of  the  President  and  the  country.  The  an 
nexation  of  Texas  had  not  driven  Mexico  to  imme 
diate  war,  but  every  day  made  hostilities  more  cer 
tain.  Slowly  and  craftily  Polk  proceeded  to  win  the 
coveted  prize  of  California,  to  bully  and  to  bribe 
until  poor  Mexico  should  satisfy  the  unjust  ambition 
of  a  people  who  boasted  of  their  liberty  and  enlight- 
1  Niles,  vol.  Ixx.  p.  65. 


SENATOR.  227 

enment.  The  events  of  Folk's  administration  show 
us  how  slavery  had  poisoned  the  whole  national 
system.  After  failure  in  secret  negotiations,  which 
relied  on  a  craven  and  abject  spirit  in  the  Mexicans, 
General  Taylor  was  ordered  to  occupy  the  territory 
between  the  Nueces  and  the  Eio  Grande,  a  portion 
of  Mexico  to  which  Texas  had  not  the  slightest 
claim,  except  a  paper  one  unsupported  by  successful 
adverse  occupation.  His  position  threatened  Mata- 
moras.  An  engagement  ensued.  The  President 
proclaimed  that  American  blood  had  been  spilled 
011  American  soil,  and  Congress  declared  that  war 
existed  by  act  of  Mexico. 

The  legislation  which  carried  on  this  war,  begun 
with  these  specious  falsehoods,  cannot  here  be 
reviewed;  but  in  these  Democratic  straits  Cass 
came  forward  once  more  as  the  champion  of  na 
tional  rights,  and  was  the  main  stay  of  the  Presi 
dent  and  his  party.  The  Machiavellian  methods 
of  the  administration  have  been  fully  made  known 
only  recently,  and  we  cannot  charge  that  every 
supporter  of  the  war  countenanced  the  whole  pro 
cedure,  and  was  partlceps  criminis  to  the  whole 
extent  of  the  crime.  Cass's  speech  on  the  Ten 
Regiment  Bill  was  good  campaign  powder.  Not 
that  his  defense  of  the  measure  was  disingenuous  or 
insincere ;  for  no  one  can  say  that  when  once  the 
war  was  begun  it  ought  not  to  have  been  carried 
on  effectually.  The  conduct  of  Cass  as  a  Demo 
crat  is  open  to  little  criticism  at  this  juncture  ;  and 
possibly  it  would  not  be  fair  to  expect  him  to  see 


228  LEWIS  CASS. 

so  clearly  as  those  Whigs  whose  party  interests 
made  their  very  prejudices  incline  towards  the 
right  course,  or  as  the  younger  men  of  the  North, 
who  were  growing  restive  under  the  saddle  and 
bridle  of  slavocratic  masters. 

Considerable  space  has  been  given  to  Texas  and 
the  piratical  assault  on  Mexico  because  the  most 
prominent  fact  of  the  later  career  of  Cass  is  con 
nected  with  this  acquisition  of  new  territory.  On 
August  8,  1846,  a  resolution  was  offered  in  the 
House  to  appropriate  12,000,000  "  for  the  purpose 
of  defraying  any  extraordinary  expenses  which  may 
be  incurred  in  the  intercourse  between  the  United 
States  and  foreign  nations."  This  signified  that 
land  was  to  be  acquired  from  Mexico  by  purchase, 
and  in  the  course  of  the  discussion  David  Wilmot, 
a  representative  from  Pennsylvania,  offered  an 
amendment  providing  that  the  fundamental  condi 
tion  to  the  acquisition  of  any  territory  from  Mexico 
should  be  that  slavery  should  never  exist  in  any 
portion  of  it.  The  bill  with  the  amendment  was 
passed  by  the  House.  But  in  the  confusion  at  the 
end  of  the  session  it  was  talked  to  death  in  the 
Senate  by  Senator  Davis  of  Massachusetts,  who 
was  effusively  defending  the  proviso  when  Congress 
adjourned  until  the  next  session.  Immediately 
after  the  adjournment  of  the  Senate  Cass  said  that 
he  was  sorry  that  the  proviso  had  been  lost.  His 
later  acts  were  inconsistent  with  the  inference 
drawn  from  this  remark,  and  great  political  capital 
was  manufactured  in  consequence. 


SENATOR.  229 

At  the  next  session  of  Congress,  1847,  the  pro 
viso  came  up  again  as  a  rider  to  the  appropriation 
by  the  House  of  $3,000,000  for  the  purposes  men 
tioned  before.  But  the  Senate  would  not  be  thus 
circumvented,  and  forced  the  House  to  agree  to  the 
appropriation,  riderless.  During  the  session  Cass 
spoke  often  on  the  general  proposition  of  voting 
money  to  the  government.  On  March  1,  1847,  he 
came  out  directly  in  opposition  to  the  proviso.  His 
reasons  were  six :  1.  The  present  was  not  the  time 
to  introduce  a  sectional  topic.  2.  It  would  be  quite 
in  season  to  provide  for  the  government  of  a  terri 
tory  after  it  was  obtained.  3.  Any  such  proviso 
expressed  too  much  confidence  in  the  outcome  of  the 
war.  4.  Legislation  at  that  time  would  be  inopera 
tive,  and  not  binding  on  succeeding  Congresses. 
5.  The  adoption  of  the  proviso  might  bring  the  war 
to  an  untimely  issue.  6.  It  would  prevent  the  ac 
quisition  of  a  single  foot  of  territory,  and  thus  dis 
appoint  a  vast  majority  of  the  American  people. 
He  attempted  to  show  by  a  course  of  very  hollow 
reasoning  that  the  northern  legislatures  which  had 
passed  resolutions  deprecating  the  spread  of  slavery 
would  not  be  satisfied  by  the  adoption  of  the  pro 
viso.  Vermont,  New  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island, 
New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  and 
Michigan  had  already  passed  such  measures.  The 
Democratic  legislature  of  Cass's  own  State  had  ad 
vocated  the  extension  of  the  Ordinance  of  1787 
over  any  new  territory  acquired. 

This  speech  is  the  beginning  of  another  chapter 


230  LEWIS   CASS. 

in  the  career  of  Cass.  He  had  been  the  leader  and 
the  prophet  of  his  State  and  the  Northwest.  His 
political  life  from  this  time  on  illustrates  north 
western  development  from  the  reverse  side.  His 
energetic  constituents,  breathing  the  free  air  of  the 
West,  their  eyes  open  to  national  needs  and  to  the 
immorality  of  slavery,  however  much  it  might  be 
supported  by  constitutional  props,  have  now  out 
stripped  their  leader,  and  erelong  he  will  be  looked 
upon  as  the  representative  of  their  past  beliefs  and 
their  bygone  acquiescence  in  a  corroding  sin.  This 
is  the  true  interpretation  of  Cass's  political  life. 
This  is  what  makes  him  the  best  centre  from  which 
to  study  the  development  of  the  Northwest  as  a 
portion  of  the  nation.  The  great  movement  against 
slavery,  it  must  be  remembered,  came  from  new 
men.  The  old  statesmen,  who  had  grown  used  to 
the  pollution,  were  unable  to  take  a  stand  in  opposi 
tion  ;  not  Webster  or  Cass,  but  Seward  and  Lincoln 
and  Chase  put  the  proper  estimate  upon  the  institu 
tion.  Yet  the  remarks  of  Senator  Miller,  after 
Cass's  objection  to  the  proviso,  are  worth  record 
ing  :  "  He  was  connected  in  many  honorable  ways, 
in  war  and  in  peace,  with  the  history  of  the  North 
west,  and  he  is  now  one  of  its  brightest  ornaments, 
commanding  a  position  so  high  and  so  influential, 
it  was  hoped,  nay  expected  by  all  the  free  North, 
that  he  would  on  this  occasion  have  given  all  the 
talent  and  influence  within  his  control  to  extend 
and  secure  to  other  territories  that  great  ordinance 
of  free  labor,  the  practical  advantages  of  which, 


SENATOR.  231 

'     % 

social  and  political,  he  was  so  fully  awaj'e  [of],  and 
no  doubt  highly  appreciated."  1  s   * 

As  the  campaign  of  1848  approached,  it  became 
apparent  that  Cass  was  to  be  the  favorite  of  the 
Democratic  party.  His  views  on  various  subjects 
were  in  consequence  sought  with  care,  and  in  the 
course  of  the  catechism  he  promulgated  a  doctrine  * 
which  furnished  material  for  discussion  until  de 
bate  was  silenced  by  the  more  eloquent  bombard 
ment  of  Sumter.  This  was  the  doctrine  of  popular 
sovereignty  in  the  Territories.  It  was  first  fairly 
announced  by  Cass  ;  he  first  introduced  it  as  an 
active  principle  in  the  political  life  of  the  time ; 
he  first  marshaled  arguments  in  its  defense.  It  will 
not  do  to  say  that  he  created  it.  No  great  thought 
influencing  the  career  of  a  free  nation  is  begotten 
in  the  brain  of  a  single  man,  to  spring  into  existence 
at  once  endowed  with  full  vigor.  Senator  Dickin 
son  of  New  York  had  already  suggested  the  idea. 
But  Cass  took  the  wandering,  tentative  suggestions 
of  statesmen  and  people,  and  combined  them  and 
arranged  them  in  a  clear,  succinct  statement  of  a 
great  political  principle.  He  first  struck  the  clear 
note,  for  which  others  had  been  unconsciously  or 
furtively  feeling.  In  that  sense  he  was  the  author 
of  the  doctrine  of  which  Stephen  A.  Douglas  after 
wards  became  godfather  and  fiercest  defender.  So 
intimately  did  the  later  debates  between  Douglas 
and  Lincoln  associate  this  theory  with  the  name 
of  the  former,  that  an  explicit  statement  of  its 

1  Congressional  Record,  vol.  xvii.  p.  551. 


232  LEWIS  CASS. 

true  origin  is  needed  here.  The  "  Little  Giant," 
a  ready  and  active  debater  in  years  when  Cass  was 
beginning  to  feel  the  burdens  of  age,  leveled  his 
lance  in  agile  defense  of  this  proposition  so  often 
and  so  valiantly,  that  to  him  has  been  attributed 
a  paternity  to  which  he  has  no  right. 

In  answer  to  queries  from  Mr.  A.  O.  P.  Nichol 
son  of  Nashville,  Tennessee,  Cass  wrote  a  letter, 
December  24,  1847,  which  was  the  first  embodi 
ment  of  the  doctrine  of  "  squatter  sovereignty." 
The  Wilmot  proviso,  he  said,  had  been  long  before 
the  people,  and  he  was  impressed  with  the  belief 
that  a  change  had  been  going  on  in  the  public  mind, 
and  in  his  own  as  well  as  in  the  minds  of  others  ; 
doubts  were  resolving  themselves  into  convictions 
that  the  principle  involved  should  be  kept  out  of 
the  national  legislature.  He  went  on  to  argue  that 
the  central  government  did  not  have  the  authority 
to  govern  the  Territories  under  those  provisions  of 
the  Constitution  which  grant  "  the  power  to  dispose 
of  and  make  all  needful  rules  and  regulations  re 
specting  the  territory  and  other  property  belonging 
to  the  United  States ; "  that  the  lives  and  posses 
sions  of  citizens  could  not  be  controlled  by  an  au 
thority  which  was  merely  "  called  into  existence 
for  the  purpose  of  making  rules  and  regulations 
for  the  disposition  and  management  of  property." 
"If  the  relation  of  master  and  servant  may  be 
regulated  or  annihilated  ...  so  may  the  relation  of 
husband  and  wife,  of  parent  and  child,  and  of  any 
other  condition  which  our  institutions  and  the  habits 


SENATOR.  233 

of  our  society  recognize."  The  internal  concerns 
of  the  Territories  ought,  he  maintained,  to  be  regu 
lated  by  the  people  inhabiting  them,  without  mo 
lestation  or  direction  from  Congress.  "  They  are 
just  as  capable  of  doing  so  as  the  people  of  the 
States ;  and  they  can  do  so  at  any  rate  as  soon  as 
their  political  independence  is  recognized  by  their 
admission  into  the  Union."  Even  if  the  central 
government  could  interfere  with  the  internal  affairs 
of  the  Territories,  a  proposition  which  he  denied, 
it  would  be  inexpedient  to  exercise  a  doubtful  and 
invidious  authority  that  statehood  would  soon 
brush  away. 

The  Ordinance  of  1787,  under  which  Cass  had 
acted  as  governor,  and  which  bestows  upon  the 
appointees  of  the  central  government  almost  de 
spotic  power,  did  not  furnish  good  material  for  his 
arguments.  But  he  succeeded  in  presenting  with 
great  ability  his  belief  that  the  Territories  ought 
to  decide  for  themselves  whether  or  not  slavery 
should  exist  within  their  limits.  It  was  not  such 
an  easy  task  as  it  might  seem  at  first  to  prove  the 
unreasonableness  of  this  doctrine.  It  was  after 
wards  so  ably  defended  as  to  win  the  favor  of  the 
northern  Democracy  until  the  outbreak  of  the  war. 
Nevertheless,  the  author  of  a  principle  which  half 
the  North  accepted  has,  without  fact  or  testimony, 
been  charged  with  selfish  insincerity  in  its  inception 
and  advocacy.  We  can  judge  of  animus  and  mo 
tive  only  from  acts.  The  rest  of  the  life  and  con 
duct  of  Cass  furnish  110  evidence  to  sustain  the 


234  LEWIS  CASS. 

charge  of  inconsistency  or  insincerity  in  the  Nich 
olson  letter.  While  governor  he  had  encouraged 
popular  participation  in  the  affairs  of  the  Ter 
ritory,  had  aided  and  promoted  local  self-govern 
ment,  had  obeyed  the  wishes  of  the  people  without 
regard  to  his  own  official  right  of  appointment, 
and  had  yielded  other  high  prerogatives.  His 
democracy  was  orthodox,  and  his  practice  cannot 
be  shown  to  have  varied  from  his  fundamental 
theory.  His  article  on  the  removal  of  the  Indians, 
published  twenty  years  before  this,  contains  an  ex 
act  parity  of  reasoning.  Moreover,  if  in  drafting 
this  letter  he  was  hollow  and  insincere,  hoping  by 
dodging  an  issue  to  win  southern  support  without 
losing  northern  favor,  the  same  indictment  must  be 
brought  against  many  others  in  whom  the  people 
of  Michigan  have  had  the  utmost  confidence.  He 
was  warned  by  the  most  influential  of  his  col 
leagues  from  his  State  of  the  danger  of  writing 
letters,  but  when  this  letter  was  shown  them  before 
its  publication  they  accepted  its  principles.1  From 
the  information  I  have  been  able  to  obtain  by  con 
versation  with  those  who  were  intimate  with  Gen 
eral  Cass  at  the  time,  I  have  been  induced  to  draw 
the  conclusion  that  his  Nicholson  letter  was  a  frank 
statement  of  his  conscientious  belief,  not  an  avoid 
ance  of  a  dreaded  issue  nor  an  attempt  to  devise 
new  interpretations.2 

1  Conversation   with   Governor  Alpheus  Felch,  Senator  from 
Michigan,  1847. 

2  See,  also,  Judge  Cooley's  Michigan,  p.  205. 


SENATOR.  235 

Within  three  years  after  the  appearance  of  Cass's 
letter  four  distinct  solutions  of  the  problems  aris 
ing  from  the  acquisition  of  new  territory  were  pre 
sented  and  found  their  advocates :  first,  the  prin 
ciple  of  the  Wilmot  proviso  :  that  slavery  should 
be  entirely  excluded ;  second,  the  doctrine  of  Cal- 
houn :  that  slaves  were  property,  and  that  it  was 
the  bounden  duty  of  Congress  to  protect  the  rights 
of  the  southerner  to  his  slaves  within  territory  of 
the  United  States,  just  as  the  law  protected  prop 
erty  in  sheep  and  oxen  ;  third,  that  the  line  of 
36°  30,'  extended  to  the  Pacific,  would  be  an  equi 
table  division ;  fourth,  that  the  people  of  the 
Territories  ought  to  be  allowed  to  decide  the  ques 
tion  for  themselves.  This  last  was  nicely  calcu 
lated  to  take  its  skillful  way  between  the  two  ex 
tremes.  It  is  not  unreasonable  to  think  that  Cass 
hoped  and  believed  that  popular  sovereignty  would 
show  the  advantage  of  freedom  over  slavery,  and 
that  the  Territories  would  be  won  naturally  for 
and  by  free  labor.  Thus  his  action  is  interpreted 
by  men  who  were  his  political  opponents  at  the 
time.1  In  February,  1848,  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe 
Hidalgo  added  to  the  United  States  a  half  million 
of  square  miles.  Whether  or  not  this  territory, 
stretching  away  from  the  western  boundary  of 
Texas  to  the  Pacific,  was  to  be  inundated  by  the 
black  tide  of  slavery  or  consecrated  to  freedom, 
was  the  question  which  awakened  the  people  of 
the  country ;  and  all  the  hushing  cries  of  the  con- 

1  Private  correspondence  with  the  author. 


236  LEWIS   CASS. 

servatives,  who  cried  down  and  frowned  down 
"agitation,"  could  not  lull  the  men  of  the  North 
to  sleep. 

Cass  received  from  various  quarters  recommen 
dations  and  nominations  for  the  presidency  in 
1848.  His  only  serious  competitor  was  Buchanan, 
and  when  Pennsylvania  announced  in  convention 
that  Cass  was  her  second  choice,  the  people  of  the 
country  saw  that  she  had  practically  given  way 
before  the  popular  demands  for  the  northwestern 
candidate.  But  the  party  was  not  without  its 
schisms.  New  York  was  torn  by  conflicting  fac 
tions,  separated  largely  on  personal  issues.  The 
fond  personal  attachment  for  Yan  Buren,  which 
argues  more  strongly  than  words  that  he  was  not 
all  a  political  juggler,  held  many  old  stalwarts  of 
the  party  in  faithful  adherence  to  him.  His  rejec 
tion  by  the  convention  of  1844  because  of  his  op 
position  to  annexation  had  won  a  semi-trustful 
respect  from  the  haters  of  slavery  who  were  not  of 
his  party,  and  had  kindled  an  unexpected  spark  in 
the  hearts  of  his  old  friends,  who  had  seen  no 
wrong  in  human  bondage  till  their  chief  was  repu 
diated  by  the  slave-owners.  Silas  Wright,  a  Van  Bu 
ren  Democrat,  had  accepted  the  nomination  for  gov 
ernor  in  1844,  and  his  name  was  invoked  in  behalf 
of  Polk  and  the  straight  ticket.  In  spite  of  this, 
the  "  wheelhorses  "  of  the  party  were  not  rewarded 
for  their  labors  ;  after  some  offers  to  give  what  the 
Van  Buren  faction  did  not  want,  the  spoils  were 
turned  over  to  the  other  faction  by  the  President, 


CANDIDATE  FOR   THE  PRESIDENCY.          237 

who  was  thrown  into  an  agony  of  jealousy  when  it 
was  asserted  that  Wright  had  elected  him.  Hun 
ger  for  office,  therefore,  and  disappointment  put  the 
disaffected  ever  more  at  variance  with  the  ortho 
dox  Democrats  who  supported  the  administration. 
The  supporters  of  Wright  and  Van  Buren  were 
sneered  at  as  "Barnburners,"  a  name  borrowed  from 
the  recent  disturbances  in  Ehode  Island,  where  the 
defeated  Dorrites,  it  was  alleged,  had  sought  revenge 
by  burning  the  barns  of  the  law-and-order  party.1 
Their  tampering  with  anti-slavery  suggested  that 
the  name  was  an  allusion  to  an  "  anti-Radical  story 
of  a  thick-skulled  Dutchman  who  had  burnt  his  barn 
to  clear  it  of  rats  and  mice."  2  Marcy's  faction, 
representing  the  conservative  men  of  the  party, 
who  were  ready  to  abide  by  the  pro -slavery  acts  of 
the  administration,  were  dubbed  "  Old  Hunkers," 
the  name  referring  to  their  "  hankering  "  for  office, 
or  perhaps  simply  to  their  heavy,  plodding  conser 
vatism  in  matters  of  state  policy.  As  the  slavery 
question  came  more  prominently  before  the  coun 
try,  the  Barnburners  and  the  Whigs  in  New  York 
cooperated  to  discountenance  slavery  extension, 
and  the  two  factions  of  the  Democracy  became 
more  widely  separated.  Many,  of  course,  were  not 
so  much  friends  of  freedom  as  foes  to  those  who 
had  disappointed  their  own  fond  hopes  for  their 
chief ;  and  longings  for  revenge  were  at  the  bottom 
of  many  of  their  aspirations  for  free  soil.  Such  per- 

1  Autobiography  of  Thurlow  Weed. 

f>      TIT"?   •  A  1  _     „  _        -I  O  4f\  -t  -t 


Whig  Almanac,  1849,  p.  11. 


238  LEWIS   CASS. 

sons  ultimately  dropped  back  into  the  pro-slavery, 
non-interference  wing  of  the  party,  so  soon  as  per 
sonal  disputes  again  gave  place  to  vital  political 
principles.  A  moral  reform  gets  no  real  life  blood 
from  pique. 

After  the  Democratic  convention  of  Syracuse, 
September,  1847,  the  warring  cliques  were  so 
widely  separated  by  questions  of  policy,  as  well  as 
by  jealousy,  that  they  can  scarcely  be  considered 
portions  of  one  party.  At  that  time  a  resolution 
was  offered  on  the  part  of  the  Barnburners,  de 
claring  "  uncompromising  hostility  "  to  the  exten 
sion  of  slavery  into  the  Territories  then  free.  The 
refusal  of  the  convention,  which  was  plainly  in  the 
hands  of  the  Hunkers,  to  accept  this  caused  the 
secession  of  their  opponents,  who  thereupon  or 
ganized  for  themselves,  and  prepared  to  contest  the 
seats  of  the  delegates  chosen  for  the  national 
Democratic  convention.  The  Van  Buren  men  an 
nounced  the  severance  of  all  bonds  which  would 
bind  them  to  vote  for  a  presidential  candidate  who 
was  pledged  against  the  Wilmot  proviso.  Thus 
the  fall  elections  of  1847  in  New  York  showed 
how  utterly  demoralized  the  party  was  in  that 
State ;  the  Whigs  elected  their  ticket  by  over  thirty 
thousand  majority,  and  unless  these  grievous 
wounds  could  be  healed  there  was  little  hope  for 
the  candidates  presented  by  the  Baltimore  conven 
tion. 

But  the  healing  art  is  quite  beyond  the  intelli 
gence  of  a  popular  gathering,  and  when  the  na- 


CANDIDATE  FOR  THE  PRESIDENCY.         239 

tional  convention  met,  in  May,  1848,  it  attempted 
a  simple  cure  by  offering  to  admit  both  factions  to 
active  participation  in  its  proceedings.  The  com 
mittee  on  credentials  first  tried  to  bind  both  dele 
gations  to  abide  by  the  decision  of  the  convention. 
This  the  Barnburners  refused  to  consent  to,  and 
in  consequence  New  York  had  no  further  share  in 
the  proceedingSo  Cass  was  nominated  on  the 
fourth  ballot.  General  William  O.  Butler  of  Ten 
nessee  was  presented  for  vice-president.  These 
nominations  were  received  with  satisfaction  by  the 
party.  Independent  newspapers  acknowledged  the 
upright  character  and  ability  of  General  Cass,  and 
prophesied  his  election  unless  the  Whigs  should 
present  a  man  who  possessed  the  popular  confi 
dence  and  respect.  Success  was,  however,  far 
from  certain.  The  Hunkers  acquiesced  quite 
readily,  and  were  thus  fairly  installed  as  the  "  reg 
ular  "  Democratic  party  of  New  York.  But  the 
Barnburners  were  now  more  fierce  than  ever,  for 
the  Van  Buren  men  had  never  forgiven  Cass  for 
his  candidacy  in  1844 ;  and,  moreover,  he  now 
stood  out  conspicuously  as  the  opponent  of  the 
Wilmot  proviso.  Those  who  were  Free-Soilers  for 
personal  considerations,  as  well  as  those  who  had 
conscientious  scruples,  were  held  by  this  nomina 
tion  in  political  affinity. 

The  Baltimore  convention  handled  the  slavery 
question  with  that  masterly  caution  which  was  to 
characterize  its  action  until  the  Rebellion.  The 
southern  wing  must  be  kept  true  to  its  work  by 


240  LEWIS   CASS. 

statements  which  were  also  shrewdly  calculated  not 
to  turn  away  northern  adherents.  From  this  time 
forward  the  regular  programme  was  to  deprecate 
discussion,  and  to  beseech  the  people  of  the  North 
to  rest  in  security  on  the  bosom  of  the  Constitu 
tion.  A  platform  of  platitudes  declared  that  Con 
gress  had  no  authority  to  interfere  with  slavery  in 
the  States,  —  a  very  safe  proposition,  —  and  then 
condemned  all  efforts  to  induce  it  to  interfere  with 
questions  of  slavery,  or  to  take  "  incipient  steps 
thereto."  Yancey  of  Alabama  offered  a  resolution 
so  cleverly  worded  that  Benton  himself  seems  to  have 
misunderstood  the  meaning  of  its  rejection  :  "  The 
doctrine  of  non  -  interference  with  the  rights  of 
property  of  any  portion  of  this  confederation,  be 
it  in  the  States  or  in  the  Territories,  by  any  other 
than  the  parties  interested  in  them,  is  the  true  re 
publican  doctrine  recognized  by  this  body."  This 
article  of  faith  was  rejected  by  a  vote  of  246 
against  36.  The  non-interference  advocated  by 
Yancey  was  apparently  the  absolute  "  non-inter 
ference  "  of  Calhoun.  The  refusal  of  the  con 
vention  to  accept  the  resolution  may  have  come 
merely  from  a  wish  not  to  publish  its  sentiments ; 
but,  on  the  other  hand,  it  may  have  been  a  tacit 
declaration  of  a  belief  in  the  right  of  States  and 
Territories  to  "  interfere  "  and  to  settle  the  ques 
tion  of  slavery  within  their  limits,  which  was  the 
Cass  doctrine  of  popular  sovereignty. 

Upon   receiving   the   news   of    his   nomination, 
General  Cass  wrote  a  brief  letter  of  acceptance, 


CANDIDATE  FOR   THE  PRESIDENCY.          241 

acquiescing  in  the  platform  of  the  convention.  He 
stated  his  determination,  if  elected,  not  to  be  a 
candidate  for  reelection,  a  pledge  that  seems  to 
have  had  a  certain  popularity  in  those  days.  He 
believed  that  the  real  difference  between  the  two 
great  parties  was  the  difference  between  Hamil- 
tonism  and  Jeffersonism.  With  a  "  sacred  regard 
to  '  the  principles  and  compromises  of  the  Consti 
tution,'  "  he  earnestly  desired  their  maintenance 
"  in  a  spirit  of  moderation  and  brotherly  love  so 
vitally  essential  to  the  perpetuity  of  the  Union.'' 
He  at  once  resigned  his  seat  in  the  Senate  as  incon 
sistent  with  his  presidential  candidacy,  and  pre 
pared  for  the  active  work  of  the  campaign. 

The  Whig  party  had  no  principle  it  dared  to 
avow.  It  had  been  so  long  toying  with  its  better 
self  that  a  serious  regard  for  its  own  high  aims 
seemed  lost  in  the  frivolity  of  the  excited  hunt 
for  office.  At  the  best  the  party  was  moribund ; 
but  it  was  determined  now  upon  one  frantic  effort 
for  success ;  for  the  dragon  of  Democracy  seemed  to 
sit  as  perpetual  guardian  of  the  golden  apples  of 
the  public  patronage.  Yet  its  course  for  the  past 
few  years  had  been  its  greatest.  Its  leaders  had 
constantly  objected  to  the  crimes  of  "  Polk  the 
Mendacious ;  "  and  had  it  now  dared  to  utter  the 
thought  which  arose  in  it,  a  new  lease  of  life  would 
have  been  given  to  it ;  nay,  more,  the  very  foun 
tain  of  youth  was  at  its  lips,  offering  a  vigor  which 
it  had  never  yet  possessed  in  the  vital  elixir  of  a 
great  moral  principle.  Clay,  still  at  the  head  of 


242  LEWIS   CASb. 

the  party,  held  the  deep  affection  of  its  members. 
•His  many  defeats,  however,  had  tempered  their 
admiration  with  discretion,  and  though  he  was 
hopeful  and  bright  under  the  lengthening  shadows 
of  age,  and  felt  his  heart  beat  as  quickly  at  the 
prospect  of  success  as  it  had  done  twenty  years 
before,  even  some  of  his  personal  friends  and  devo 
tees  searched  for  some  one  who  would  win  more 
votes  and  appeal  to  the  people  with  the  enthusiasm 
of  novelty.  Webster  never  had  any  chance  for 
nomination  to  the  presidency,  as  indeed  no  New 
England  man  of  principle  and  vigor  could  have. 
Scott  had  won  his  spurs  in  the  war  of  1812,  and 
had  since  that  time  been  kept  before  the  people 
because  of  his  military  position.  The  Mexican 
war  gave  him  opportunities  to  attract  attention, 
but  he  was  from  the  first  overshadowed  by  Taylor, 
whose  rough  energy  had  caught  the  popular  fancy, 
ever  ready  to  clothe  with  heroic  ornaments  and  to 
endow  with  heroic  spirit  the  image  of  its  own  wor 
shiped  self.  Such  has  been  the  history  of  the  Dem 
ocratic  spirit.  Not  even  Jefferson,  who  taught  and 
led,  became  the  perfect  popular  hero ;  but  Jackson, 
who  certainly  did  not  pose  above  the  people  to  in 
fluence  or  instruct  them,  became  the  one  real  dic 
tator  whom  the  country  has  had.  Taylor,  there 
fore,  from  the  first  was  sure  of  strong  support  in 
opposition  to  the  other  three  possible  candidates, 
if  he  could  be  brought  before  the  people  with 
adroitness,  and  could  be  shown  in  politics,  as  well 
as  in  war,  to  be  possessed  of  a  rough,  hearty  devo- 


CANDIDATE  FOR   THE  PRESIDENCY.          243 

tion  to  his  country's  interests.  He  must,  of  course, 
have  slight  predilections  to  Whiggery  to  keep  the 
party  in  countenance.  But  the  country  was  for 
the  moment  weary  of  this  ceaseless  conflict  of  old 
party  principles,  of  questions  about  national  banks 
and  internal  improvements ;  the  Whigs  desired 
above  all  to  shun  any  true  issue  brought  up  by  the 
war  and  the  new  territory  ;  and  the  candidate  who 
has  no  gospel  to  preach  is  sure  of  the  support  of 
those  who  would  rather  talk  than  listen. 

Thurlow  Weed  takes  to  himself  the  credit  of  first 
proposing  the  name  of  General  Taylor.  Soon  after 
the  battle  of  Resaca  de  la  Palma,  in  May,  1846, 
this  cunning  prophet,  who  in  the  past  had  often 
played  the  Cassandra  in  Whig  councils,  met  the 
brother  of  Zachary  Taylor,  and  after  asking  him  of 
the  general's  health  and  inquiring  as  to  his  political 
"  prejudices,"  remarked  quietly,  "  Your  brother  is 
to  be  our  next  president."  Weed  thought  it  advis 
able  to  send  the  "  rough  and  ready  "  soldier  some 
suggestions  concerning  his  conduct,  and  they  ad 
mirably  illustrate  the  nature  of  this  whole  cam 
paign  from  the  Whig  standpoint.  The  general 
was  warned  that  if  he  kept  "his  eyes  toward 
Mexico,  closing  them  and  his  ears  to  all  that  was 
passing  behind  him,  the  presidential  question  would 
take  care  of  itself  and  of  him;  .  .  .  and  that, 
finally,  if  General  Taylor  himself  left  the  question 
entirely  to  the  people  they  would  certainly  elect 
him."  At  the  start  Taylor  was  probably  quite  in 
earnest  in  his  short  letter,  which  said  that  he  had 


244  LEWIS   CASS. 

enough  on  hand  in  Mexico  without  paying  any 
attention  to  presidential  prospects.  Until  the  con 
vention  he  was  fairly  circumspect  and  silent.  In 
the  beginning  surprised  at  his  own  prominence  and 
distrusting  his  own  ability,  he  soon  came  to  look 
with  the  eyes  of  others,  and  to  entertain  an  ambi 
tion  which  bade  fair  to  make  him  dangerously  rest 
less.  But  he  consistently  proclaimed  himself  a 
candidate  of  the  whole  people  rather  than  a  strait 
ened  party  man,  and  finally  said  he  would  not  with 
draw  even  if  Clay  were  nominated,  for  no  nomina 
tion,  he  said,  would  occasion  a  change  of  principles 
or  make  him  the  creature  of  party  prejudices. 

The  Whig  convention  assembled  in  Philadel 
phia  June  7,  l£ff 8.  An  exciting  contest  followed. 
While  the  majority  of  the  party  still  clung  fondly 
to  the  idol  of  their  past,  the  chief  engineers  of  the 
machine  had  determined  that  sentiment  must  make 
way  for  availability.  On  the  first  ballot  Taylor 
received  111  votes,  Clay  97,  Scott  43,  Webster  22. 
On  the  fourth  Taylor  had  171  and  Scott  63.  Clay 
had  but  32  and  Webster  13.  Millard  Fillmore 
of  New  York  was  nominated  for  vice-president. 
Such  was  the  result  of  the  convention,  which  was 
branded  as  the  "  slaughter-house  of  Whig  princi 
ples." 

There  was  only  one  issue  before  the  country,  and 
that  was  whether  or  not  the  new  territory  of  the 
West  was  to  be  given  to  slavery  or  dedicated  to 
freedom.  But  the  convention  retained  its  self-pos 
session  with  regard  to  this  matter  as  patiently  as 


CANDIDATE  FOR   THE  PRESIDENCY.          245 

had  its  opponent,  and  was  content  to  push  on  to 
the  hustings  a  man  who  stood  for  no  policy,  whose 
ideas  were  not  known  on  a  single  great  problem  of 
government,  who  had  no  experience  in  civil  life, 
who  had  never  so  much  as  exercised  the  right  of 
suffrage,  whose  knowledge  of  public  men  and  events 
was  confined  to  the  information  he  might  desulto 
rily  gather  at  a  frontier  post  from  the  newspapers 
and  periodicals  of  the  day.  But  there  were  many 
members  of  this  assembly  who  would  not  be  bound 
by  its  insolent  indifference  to  the  sentiment  animat 
ing  the  great  mass  of  the  party,  especially  in  New 
England  and  the  Northwest.  In  Massachusetts 
there  was  a  division  into  "Cotton  Whigs"  and 
"Conscience  Whigs,"  and  in  the  Northwest  not 
only  did  the  Liberty  party  have  strength,  but  the 
Whigs  also  in  various  ways  had  proclaimed  oppo 
sition  to  slavery  extension.  In  the  convention,  im 
mediately  after  the  announcement  that  Taylor  had 
received  the  nomination,  a  series  of  declarations 
were  made  by  delegates  from  Massachusetts  and 
Ohio  which  caused  the  wildest  excitement,  and 
showed  clearly  enough  the  disorganization  of  the 
old  party.  Allen  of  Massachusetts  pronounced  the 
Whig  party  disbanded,  uttering  the  prophetic 
words  that  "  under  the  providence  of  God  its  disso 
lution  may  be  for  the  benefit  of  humanity."  Henry 
Wilson  proclaimed  that  he  would  not  recognize  the 
nomination.  "  We  have  nominated  a  candidate 
who  has  said  to  the  nation  that  he  will  not  be 
bound  by  the  principles  of  any  party.  Sir,  I  will 


246  LEWIS   CA8S. 

go  home,  and,  so  help  me  God,  I  will  do  all  I  can 
to  defeat  the  election  of  that  candidate."  Many 
complained  because  "  free  soil  and  free  territory  " 
had  yielded  to  the  discipline  of  the  selfish  heavily- 
laden  South,  and  because  machine  politics  and  chi 
canery  had  overborne  the  real  wishes  of  the  people. 
"That  great  moral  principle,"  said  Campbell  of 
Ohio,  "  which  has  fastened  itself  so  firmly  on  the 
free  Whigs  of  Ohio,  will  arouse  to  action,  in  all 
the  majesty  of  her  strength,  the  young  giant  of  the 
West."  How  true  this  was  the  speaker  himself 
could  not  have  known ;  the  whole  gigantic  power 
of  the  West  was  to  arise  in  a  righteous  fury  in 
defense  of  this  great  moral  idea ;  caution  and  old- 
fashioned  regard  for  order  and  organization  might 
still  keep  many  within  the  old  lines ;  but  the  recre 
ancy  of  the  Whig  party  to  the  fondest  hopes  of  the 
free  Northwest  must  sooner  or  later  occasion  the 
conception  of  a  new  and  overshadowing  party,  un- 
trammeled  by  a  past,  unburdened  by  dead  issues, 
pressing  forward  to  the  goal  of  a  high  calling. 

If  the  two  great  parties  were  satisfied  to  shut 
their  eyes  to  danger,  and  to  pretend  that  there  was 
none,  simply  because  they  would  not  see  it,  such 
voluntary  blindness  was  intolerable  for  many  whose 
vision  had  been  touched  by  the  entering  light  of 
truth.  In  the  evening  after  the  nomination  of 
Taylor,  fifteen  of  the  dissatisfied  delegates  met  to 
consider  plans  for  the  future.  A  mass  convention 
of  the  citizens  of  Ohio  in  favor  of  "  free  territory  " 
had  been  summoned  to  meet  in  Columbus  in  June, 


CANDIDATE  FOR  THE  PRESIDENCY.          247 

and  these  fifteen  conspirators  for  liberty  decided 
to  use  their  efforts  to  persuade  this  convention  to 
issue  a  call  for  a  national  gathering  at  Buffalo. 
The  Ohio  convention  issued  such  a  summons  for 
August  9th.  About  the  same  time  the  Barnburn 
ers  met  in  Utica.  A  letter  was  read  from  Martin 
Van  Buren,  expressing  his  determination  not  to 
accept  a  nomination,  declaring  his  inability  to  vote 
for  either  Taylor  or  Cass,  and  branding  the  exten 
sion  of  slavery  as  a  "  moral  curse."  In  spite  of 
this  declaration  he  was  chosen  by  the  convention. 
Henry  Dodge,  United  States  Senator  from  Wiscon 
sin,  was  selected  as  the  candidate  for  vice-presi 
dent.  Van  Buren  accepted.  Dodge  concluded  to 
support  Cass.  In  November,  1847,  the  Liberty 
party  had  nominated  John  P.  Hale  of  New  Hamp 
shire  for  president,  but  there  was  definite  hope  that 
the  action  of  the  Buffalo  convention  would  be  rati 
fied.  All  waited,  therefore,  with  some  anxiety  for 
that  meeting.  Already  the  Democratic  papers  were 
furious  because  the  "  Little  Magician  "  had  forgot 
ten  his  past  "  greatness,"  and  revealed  the  truth  of 
the  "  federal  charges  "  that  "  Mr.  Van  Buren's  dis 
tinguished  characteristics  are  selfishness  and  a  pro 
pensity  for  intrigue."  1  Even  if  there  were  no  con 
fluence  of  the  different  anti-slavery  streams,  Cass's 
chances  in  New  York  were  greatly  lessened  by  the 
Barnburner  discontent,  and  party  hatred  of  the 
"renegades  "  was  proportionately  increased. 

On  August  9th  there  assembled   at  Buffalo  a 

1  New  York  Sun. 


248  LEWIS  CASK. 

strange  company.  The  Barnburners,  who  had 
been  orthodox  Democrats,  supporters  of  Jackson 
and  Van  Buren  in  the  palmy  days  of  the  party,  met 
with  delegates  of  the  Liberty  party,  who  not  long 
before  had  been  hated  as  crazy  fanatics ;  the  "  Con 
science  Whigs  "  of  Massachusetts,  the  free-territory 
men  from  Ohio,  the  disappointed  Clay  Whigs, 
who  had  cursed  the  supporters  of  Birney  four  years 
before,  the  "  Land  Reformers  "  and  "  Workingmen 
of  New  York,"  and  the  advocates  of  cheap  postage, 
came  together  as  strange  bed-fellows  in  the  misery 
of  an  eventful  crisis.  This  Free-Soil  movement 
has  often  been  denominated  a  Democratic  move 
ment.  The  enumeration  of  the  elements  given  above 
shows  us  that  no  old  established  party  name  can  be 
applied  to  it.  The  party  was  composed  of  various 
elements  now  united  for  a  common  purpose.  Some 
of  the  men  of  this  convention  were  to  drop  back 
into  the  old  Democratic  ranks ;  others  were  to  be 
charter  members  of  the  Republican  party.  Sam 
uel  J.  Tilden  was  there  as  well  as  Charles  Francis 
Adams  and  Salmon  P.  Chase. 

The  platform,  chiefly  the  work  of  Mr.  Chase,1 
was  a  masterpiece,  filled  with  ringing  sentences, 
and  charged  with  enthusiasm.  "  Congress,"  it 
declared  in  a  forcible  aphorism,  "  has  no  more  power 
to  make  a  slave  than  to  make  a  king."  "  Thunders 
of  applause  "  followed  the  reading  of  such  clarion- 
toned  sentences  as  this :  "  Resolved,  that  we  in 
scribe  on  our  banner  free  soil,  free  speech,  free 

1   Political  Recollections,  G.  W.  Julian. 


CANDIDATE  FOR   THE  PRESIDENCY.          249 

labor,  and  free  men,  and  under  it  we  will  fight  on 
and  fight  ever,  until  a  triumphant  victory  shall 
reward  our  exertions."  The  convention  from  the 
first  seemed  impressed  with  the  solemnity  of  the 
occasion  and  the  weight  of  its  responsibility.  And 
yet  one  must  confess  that  there  was  a  very  mun 
dane  alloy  in  this  heavenly  sentiment ;  for  many 
longed  for  revenge  on  Cass  and  the  Hunkers,  and 
were  willing  to  obtain  it  by  shouting  for  free  soil. 
Van  Buren  was  nominated  amid  acclamations  of 
enthusiasm.  The  conscientious  Free-Soilers  were 
willing  to  take  the  bitter  potion  in  humble  hope 
that  good  would  result.  The  name  of  Charles 
Francis  Adams,  the  son  of  John  Quincy  Adams, 
was  placed  below  that  of  the  old  chief  of  the  Al 
bany  Regency,  the  calm  and  gentle  man  to  whom 
"  the  old  man  eloquent "  had  once  ascribed  "  fawn 
ing  servility"  and  "profound  dissimulation  and 
duplicity."  How  strangely  in  1837  would  have 
sounded  the  war-cry  of  1848,  "Van  Buren  and 
Free  Soil  —  Adams  and  Liberty." 

This  Buffalo  convention  was  a  prominent  event 
in  the  life  of  Cass.  The  nomination  of  Van  Buren, 
this  combination  of  dissatisfied  Democrats  and  Lib 
erty  men,  assured  his  defeat,  unless  his  party,  in 
spite  of  its  distressed  condition  in  New  York, 
should  work  with  a  rare  courage  and  vehemence. 
But  Cass's  career  is  peculiarly  connected  with  the 
development  of  the  Free-Soil  movement  from  the 
point  of  view  of  principle.  He  was  hailed  through 
out  this  campaign  as  the  candidate  of  the  vigorous 


250  LEWIS  CASS. 

West.  He  was  rightly  called  the  "  Father  of  the 
West."  "  The  history  of  the  Western  States  forms 
a  part  of  his  biography,"  the  "  Detroit  Free  Press  " 
said  with  truth.  But  a  calm  scrutiny  of  the  forces 
at  work  in  the  old  Northwest,  for  which  he  had 
done  so  much,  shows  that  its  vigor  was  no  longer 
his.  Its  strong  and  characteristic  sections,  which 
had  formed  its  very  pith  and  marrow,  were  no 
longer  in  sympathy  with  their  great  leader  and  rep 
resentative.  Already  the  Western  Reserve  had 
shown  its  parentage  by  sending  Giddings  to  Con 
gress  to  labor  by  the  side  of  Adams.  The  Puritan 
stock  of  Ohio,  awakened  to  the  existence  of  a  new 
crusade  for  liberty,  brought  forward  its  hard  sense, 
sound  morality,  and  obstinate  adherence  to  princi 
ple.  "  Beware !  the  blood  of  the  Roundheads  is 
aroused,"  shouted  a  delegate  in  the  Buffalo  Conven 
tion.  This  is  not  mere  metaphor,  it  is  sober  state 
ment  of  fact.  The  counties  of  the  Northwest  first 
settled  by  New  Englanders  furnished  early  sup 
porters  of  the  Liberty  party,  active  advocates  of 
free  soil.  There  the  Republican  party  had  its 
strength  in  the  days  of  its  youth,  when  all  the  vigor 
of  its  new  life  was  given  to  assailing  the  aggressions 
of  a  national  sin.  Political  affiliations  are  not  soon 
forgotten,  and  to-day  Republican  strength  lies  in 
this  old  robust  region  of  Ohio.  A  political  party 
could  gerrymander  the  State  successfully  if  its 
managers  were  acquainted  with  the  genealogy  of  its 
counties.  The  New  Connecticut  has  given  us  Gid 
dings  and  Garfield.  It  has  given  us  many  path- 


CANDIDATE  FOR  THE  PRESIDENCY.         251 

finders  in  unexplored  regions  of  culture,  education, 
and  liberal  citizenship.  We  must  not  omit,  how 
ever,  the  influence  of  that  milder  Puritan  of  mysti 
cism,  the  Quaker ;  his  kind  and  gentle  influence  is 
traceable  through  the  Northwest.  The  inhabitants 
of  Pennsylvania  pushed  their  way  westward  through 
the  middle  of  Ohio  across  the  Indiana  line. 

Speaking  generally,  the  New  England  township 
system  has  most  effectually  made  its  way  westward 
along  the  parallels  of  latitude.  Michigan  and  Wis 
consin  adopted  the  township  nearly  in  its  primitive 
simplicity.  There  was  the  same  tendency  in  north 
ern  Ohio  ;  and  wherever  we  see  the  self-governing 
spirit  of  New  England,  there  we  see  in  the  field  of 
national  affairs  a  relationship  with  the  politics  of 
the  same  stalwart  section.  The  early  settlers  of 
Michigan  were  in  a  marked  degree  from  Massachu 
setts  or  from  New  York,  to  which  latter  State  many 
of  them  had  moved  from  homes  east  of  the  Hudson. 
The  political  and  educational  history  of  Michigan 
has  its  individuality,  but  the  influence  of  inherited 
tendencies  is  apparent.  Of  course  in  early  days 
the  popular  creed  of  Jacksonian  Democracy  made 
itself  felt  among  the  people  of  a  new  country. 
But  it  is  fair  to  assume  that  Michigan  would  have 
swung  into  the  Whig  column  much  sooner  if  it  had 
not  been  for  the  personal  admiration  and  respect 
which  its  people  felt  for  Lewis  Cass. 

An  examination  of  the  vote  of  Ohio  in  1844  will 
exhibit  the  truth  of  these  general  statements.  There 
were  seventy-nine  counties  in  Ohio  in  1844,  but 


252  LEWIS   CASS. 

Trumbull  County  alone,  the  heart  of  this  western 
New  England,  gave  one  eleventh  of  all  the  votes 
cast  for  the  Liberty  ticket  in  Ohio.  Five  counties 
of  this  same  region,  containing  one  eleventh  of  the 
total  vote  of  the  State,  gave  more  than  one  fourth 
of  the  Liberty  vote.  And  if  one  examines  more 
closely  he  will  see  even  more  definite  proof  of  the 
assertion.  The  Whigs,  of  course,  had  their  strength 
largely  in  the  districts  where  the  Liberty  and  Free- 
Soil  movement  manifested  itself.  In  1848  the 
twentieth  Congressional  district,  including  the 
counties  of  Ashtabula,  Cuyahoga,  Geauga,  and 
Lake,  cast  7,338  Free-Soil  votes,  only  700  less  than 
the  whole  Liberty  vote  of  Ohio  in  1844.  That  dis 
trict  gave  Van  Buren  three  fourths  as  many  votes 
as  were  received  by  both  Cass  and  Taylor.  In  this 
election  the  Free-Soilers  held  the  balance  of  power 
in  the  State,  casting  35,354  votes ;  but  of  these 
nearly  one  half  were  cast  by  the  three  districts  of 
the  Western  Reserve,  although  there  were  twenty- 
one  districts  in  the  State. 

But  northeastern  Ohio,  the  peculiar  centre  of  west 
ern  New  Englandism,  has  not  simply  followed  and 
reproduced.  Modern  Puritanism  and  the  spirit  of 
the  latter-day  Ironsides  have  here  deeply  cut  their 
lines.  The  saying  is  not  uncommon  that  the  West 
ern  Reserve  is  more  New  England  than  New  Eng 
land  herself.1  Here  the  Yankee  character  developed 
under  new  and  inspiring  conditions,  and  furnished 
brain  and  conscience,  sincerity  and  moral  enthusiasm 
1  The  Old  Northwest,  Hinsdale,  p.  388. 


CANDIDATE  FOR   THE  PRESIDENCY.        .  253 

to  the  whole  country.  Its  earlier  inhabitants  were, 
it  is  true,  rough  in  their  manners  and  "  stupid  "  in 
religion ; 1  most  of  its  first  settlers  perhaps  hurried 
to  the  West  to  escape  the  iron-clad  theology  and 
the  stilted  social  regime  of  old,  dogmatic,  straight- 
laced  Connecticut,  and  there  in  the  freer  air  of  a 
new  country,  unburdened  by  prescription,  there 
grew  a  more  liberal  theology,  a  more  generous  citi 
zenship,  and  a  more  human  idea  of  liberty.  Slip 
ping  their  old  cables,  these  thoughtful  people  drifted 
off  occasionally  into  "  isms  "  and  fanaticisms.  But 
this  was  the  natural  revolt  from  a  sad  theology  and 
acrid  Federalism,  and  with  this  personal  freedom  of 
thought  was  a  sound  Puritan  principle  and  a  guid 
ing  common  sense.  President  Storrs  of  Western 
Reserve  College  preached  anti-slavery  doctrines  as 
early  as  1832,2  and  planted  the  humanizing  seed  in 
youthful  minds  of  northeastern  Ohio.  The  result 
was  that  the  Western  Reservd  had  a  definitely 
formulated  anti-slavery  sentiment  before  any  other 
section  of  the  country.  John  Quincy  Adams  led 
his  district  and  showed  it  the  way.  But  Giddings 
was  the  child  of  his  surroundings,  the  voice  and 
expression  of  the  will  of  his  constituents. 

Ohip  has  been  taken  to  illustrate  the  energy  of 
New  England  in  the  West,  because,  the  early  set 
tlers  coming  into  the  State  within  well-known  geo 
graphical  lines,  their  influence  is  easily  traceable 
and  capable  of  definite  description  and  comparison. 

1  Robbins's  Diary,  p.  225. 

2  The  Old  Northwest,  Hiusdale,  p.  392. 


254  LEWIS   CASS. 

The  compact  New  Englandism  of  the  Western 
Reserve  has  made  itself  conspicuous,  but  the  same 
general  statements  of  tendencies  and  influences  will 
hold  true  of  the  whole  Northwest.  When  once 
Michigan  was  aroused  to  a  sense  of  the  real  state 
of  things  she  too  fell  in  beside  Ohio,  and  has  re 
mained  her  political  sister. 

Cass  was  admired  and  respected  by  his  State. 
Even  those  who  disagreed  with  him  in  politics 
found  it  hard  to  oppose  him  at  the  polls.  Upon 
the  appearance  of  the  Nicholson  letter,  many  of 
his  old  admirers  felt  constrained  to  turn  against 
him.  Yet  they  still  had  faith  in  him  as  a  man. 
"  From  the  time  of  the  publication  of  this  letter," 
writes  one  of  his  friendly  enemies,  who  used  every 
effort  to  defeat  him,  "I  opposed  the  election  of 
General  Cass  to  the  presidency,  though  it  cost  me 
a  pang  as  keen  as  to  have  set  myself  against  my 
own  father."  1  It- was  believed  by  those  who  knew 
the  liberal  character  of  the  general  that  he  thought 
his  theory  of  "  popular  sovereignty  "  would  assure 
in  the  end  free  Territories.  And  so  it  would,  if  the 
slave  power  had  allowed  a  fair  application  of  it, 
and  not  simply  used  it  until  it  was  no  longer  ser 
viceable.  The  consistency  of  Cass  was  lyiques- 
tioned  by  all  who  knew  his  previous  career;  his 
sterling  character,  his  honesty,  his  uprightness  in 
political  affairs,  the  purity  and  charm  of  his  pri 
vate  life  were  admired  by  all  who  were  not  blinded 
by  party  animosity.  So  in  spite  of  differences  and 

1  Private  and  confidential  letter  to  the  author. 


CANDIDATE  FOR   THE  PRESIDENCY.          255 

these  Free-Soil  antipathies,  in  spite  of  the  most 
malignant  attacks  upon  Cass  by  the  Whig  news 
paper  of  his  own  city,  which  denied  him  credit 
even  for  his  masterly  governorship,  Cass  carried 
Michigan  by  a  good  plurality.  Yet  Van  Buren  re 
ceived  over  10,000  votes,  —  more  than  Cass's  major 
ity  over  Taylor.  Cass  also  received  the  support 
of  Ohio,  a  rare  tribute  to  the  personal  admiration 
and  respect  for  the  man.  He  received  16,415  votes 
more  than  Taylor,  whereas  Clay  had  defeated  Polk 
by  5,940.  The  northwestern  candidate  received  the 
electoral  vote  of  every  northwestern  State,  but  in 
each  one  the  Whigs  and  the  Free-Soilers  together 
outnumbered  the  Democrats.  Even  young  Wis 
consin  gave  10,418  votes  for  Van  Buren,  more 
than  one  fourth  of  the  total  vote  of  the  State.  A 
prophet  was  not  needed  to  trace  the  future  political 
development  of  the  Northwest. 

Cass  was  bitterly  attacked  in  some  portions  of 
the  country,  particularly  in  his  own  section,  because 
he  had  not  accepted  an  invitation  to  attend  a  con 
vention  at  Chicago,  called  to  discuss  the  subject  of 
internal  improvements.  The  New  West  needed 
the  aid  of  the  general  government  in  developing 
its  resources,  especially  in  opening  its  harbors  for 
commerce.  The  Democrats,  never  lenient  toward 
such  hopes,  had  recently  been  charged  with  "  salt 
water  "  interpretation  of  the  Constitution,  and  the 
residents  on  the  fresh  water  of  the  Great  Lakes 
wanted  a  recognition  of  their  claims.  Cass  always 
disclaimed  hostility  to  national  improvements,  and 


256  LEWIS   CASS. 

afterwards,  in  a  speech  in  the  Senate  in  1851, 
proved  that  his  course  had  been  in  favor  of  such 
assistance  from  the  government.  But  he  was  now 
running  on  a  platform  which  denied  the  constitu 
tionality  of  a  general  improvement  system,  and  the 
severe  and  continuous  attacks  upon  him  in  the 
Whig  papers  on  this  ground  probably  reduced  his 
vote  to  some  extent. 

The  slavery  question  was,  however,  the  promi 
nent  if  not  the  determining  factor  of  the  campaign 
of  1848.  Taylor  was  a  southern  man,  a  plantation 
owner  and  a  slave-owner.  The  South  felt  that  it 
could  trust  him,  that  a  southern  man  with  southern 
interests  was  preferable  to  a  northern  man,  how 
ever  southern  might  be  his  principles.  A  mass 
Democratic  convention  of  the  citizens  of  Charles 
ton  selected  Taylor  as  their  candidate.  The  "  Rich 
mond  Times  "  said  that  he  was  "  thoroughly  identi 
fied  with  the  South  in  feeling  and  interest."  He 
was  represented  in  Alabama  as  one  who  loved  "  the 
South  and  her  cherished  institutions ; "  and  so, 
while  the  Free-Soilers  were  designating  Cass  and 
Taylor  as  "  the  Devil  and  Beelzebub,"  and  the 
northern  man  was  being  castigated  in  the  North 
for  his  apostasy  to  slavery,  he  was  marked  by 
southern  Democrats  as  an  unsafe  candidate  because 
he  was  not,  as  Taylor  was,  a  slaveholder.  Polk 
carried  Georgia  in  1844.  Cass  lost  it.  The  same 
is  true  of  Louisiana.  Everywhere  south  of  Ma 
son  and  Dixon's  line  the  Democracy  lost  ground. 
Yet  the  Democratic  support  of  Van  Buren  in  New 


CANDIDATE  FOR   THE  PRESIDENCY.         257 

York  was  decisive.  This  cannot  be  attributed  to 
anti-slavery  sentiment.  The  Barnburners,  fight 
ing  for  political  existence  and  revenge,  and  aided 
by  opponents  of  slavery,  polled  more  votes  than 
the  "  regular  "  faction.  This  fact  proves  that  per 
sonal  pique  was  the  great  motive  in  that  State  of 
politicians. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

SENATOR.  —  THE  COMPROMISE   OF   1850. 

THE  Buffalo  convention  and  the  evident  uneasi 
ness  of  the  North  had  perhaps  influenced  Congress, 
as  it  droned  along  far  into  the  summer  of  1848. 
A  territorial  government  was  given  to  Oregon,  by 
an  act  approved  August  14th,  which  extended  over 
that  territory  the  Ordinance  of  1787  with  its  "  re 
strictions  and  prohibitions."  But  in  the  mean  time 
new  complications  had  arisen,  for  California  was 
even  more  in  need  of  organization  and  government 
than  Oregon  had  been  a  year  before.  Although  it 
was  known  when  California  was  acquired  that  gold 
had  been  found  there  by  the  Mexicans,  the  idea  of 
a  New  Eldorado  did  not  immediately  take  hold  of 
the  people.  An  accidental  discovery  by  workmen 
of  the  yellow  grains  of  gold  in  January,  1848, 
soon  set  the  country  afire,  and  a  perfect  exodus 
from  the  East  began  in  the  early  summer.  Busi 
ness  men  and  school-teachers,  lawyers  and  clergy 
men,  forsook  their  callings  to  hasten  to  the  gold 
fields ;  the  restless  and  unemployed  class  of  every 
community  begged  or  borrowed  money  for  the 
journey.  The  young  men  especially  were  over 
come  with  anxiety  to  make  a  fortune  in  a  moment, 


SENATOR. -THE   COMPROMISE   OF  1850.        259 

and  quickly  broke  all  ties  which  bound  them  to  the 
humdrum  life  of  the  plodding  East.  The  "  New 
York  Tribune  "  estimated  that  8,098  persons  had 
set  sail  for  California  between  December  7,  1848, 
and  February  8,  1849.  The  very  crews  of  the 
vessels  deserted  to  dig  for  gold  when  once  they  had 
reached  the  fabled  coast.  "Nothing,  sir,"  wrote 
Commodore  Jones  from  Monterey,  "can  exceed 
the  deplorable  state  of  things  in  all  Upper  Califor 
nia  at  this  time,  growing  out  of  the  maddening 
effects  of  the  gold  mania." 1  He  described  the 
country  as  in  a  very  "  whirlwind  of  anarchy  and 
confusion  confounded,"  where  life  and  property 
were  everywhere  in  great  jeopardy. 

When  Congress  met,  in  December,  1848,  it  had 
to  face  a  stormy  and  unsatisfactory  session.  None 
of  the  real  problems  before  the  country  had  been 
solved.  On  the  contrary,  there  were  feelings  of 
greater  bitterness  than  ever.  All  were  uncertain 
about  the  meaning  of  the  election,  except  that  it 
had  disclosed  great  opposition  in  the  North  to  the 
extension  of  slavery  and  an  unexpected  defection 
from  the  ranks  of  the  old  parties.  No  one  knew 
where  the  President  elect  would  stand  on  the  mo 
mentous  issues  which  were  agitating  the  country. 
Had  Cass  been  elected,  every  one  would  have 
known  his  position,  his  belief  in  the  absolute  uu- 
constitutionality  of  excluding  slavery  from  the 
Territories  by  act  of  Congress.  Yet  even  an  ad 
mirer  of  him,  with  confidence  in  his  sincerity,  his 
1  October,  1848.  Niles,  vol.  Ixxv.  p.  113. 


260  LEWIS   CASS. 

uprightness  and  honor,  would  hesitate  to  assert 
that  under  such  circumstances  his  election  would 
have  been  for  the  best  interests  of  the  country. 
Possibly  the  election  of  Taylor  showed  much  more 
clearly  than  anything  else  could  have  done  the 
utter  futility  of  the  Whig  organization  and  the 
folly  of  dodging  principles.  The  only  thing  that 
the  Whigs  gained  by  the  election  was  a  redistribu 
tion  of  the  spoils.  Inwardly,  the  party  knew  not 
itself.  One  of  its  greatest  men,  William  H.  Sew- 
ard,  who,  faithful  to  his  party,  was  faithful  also  to 
freedom  and  free  territory,  who  had  shown  many 
times  before  his  readiness  to  withstand  the  slave 
power  with  boldness,  was  to  take  his  place  in  the 
Senate  on  the  same  day  that  a  slaveholder,  a  mem 
ber  of  the  same  party,  took  the  oath  as  president. 
Under  such  circumstances  it  was  impossible  to 
foretell  the  future,  or  to  see  even  so  far  as  to  the 
end  of  this  Thirtieth  Congress.  In  Ohio  politics 
were  in  such  a  condition  that  Chase,  the  author  of 
the  Buffalo  platform,  was  during  the  winter  elected 
to  the  Senate.  He  had  been  a  Democrat,  and  per 
haps  never  entirely  freed  himself  from  the  funda 
mental  ideas  of  the  Democracy,  but  his  clear  vision 
led  him  away  from  the  fold  of  the  old  party,  and 
his  election  was  an  era  in  the  progress  of  Free-Soil 
ideas  in  the  free  Northwest. 

Measures  were  at  once  introduced  into  the  House 
which  tested  its  sentiment  and  disclosed  unusual 
harmony  among  northern  members.  From  this 
time  the  part  which  the  Democracy  had  played 


SENATOR.  —  THE   COMPROMISE   OF  1850.        261 

since  1844  began  to  react  against  it.  Contrary  to 
its  inherited  belief  that  such  issues  were  not  proper 
material  for  political  discussion,  it  had  allowed  the 
slavery  question  to  become  an  active  political  prin 
ciple.  By  its  energetic  advocacy  Texas  and  the 
vast  territory  to  the  west  had  been  acquired,  and 
now  the  Nemesis  was  upon  it.  The  party  must 
either  divide  into  two  opposing  wings  incapable  of 
working  together,  or  the  northern  wing  must  make 
itself  subservient  to  the  interests  of  the  slave 
holders.  To  such  action  we  can  trace  its  ultimate 
loss  of  power  in  the  agricultural  States  of  the 
North,  which  by  all  the  traditions  of  the  past  were 
the  natural  allies  of  the  planting  South.  For  the 
free  northern  farmer,  whatever  might  be  his  eco 
nomic  interests,  was  unable  to  remain  in  a  party 
which  was  devoted  to  slave  labor. 

President  Polk,  in  his  annual  message,  called  the 
attention  of  Congress  to  the  anomalous  condition 
of  New  Mexico  and  California,  and  advised  that  they 
be  given  territorial  governments  at  once,  and  that 
the  Missouri  line  be  extended  to  the  Pacific.  But 
it  was  not  easy  to  do  anything  in  this  short  session, 
and  it  wore  away  to  its  close  without  any  decision 
of  the  great  question. 

In  January,  1849,  the  legislature  of  Michigan 
elected  Cass  as  a  senator  to  fill  the  vacancy  caused 
by  his  own  resignation.  He  presented  his  creden 
tials,  and  was  sworn  in  on  March  3d.  He  was  a 
member  of  the  Senate  during  the  famous  debate 
on  the  appropriation  bill,  which  lasted  well  on  into 


262  LEWIS   CASS. 

the  morning  of  the  4th.  But  he  refused  to  take 
any  part  in  the  discussion,  on  the  ground  that  the 
Senate  was  adjourned  by  lapse  of  time  at  mid 
night  between  the  3d  and  4th. 

Taylor  took  the  oath  of  office  on  Monday,  the 
5th  of  March.  His  Cabinet  did  not  stand  for  a 
distinct  principle :  it  contained  four  southern  rep 
resentatives,  one  of  whom  was  an  avowed  pro-slavery 
man,  and  three  northern  men,  of  whom  one  had  an 
anti-slavery  record.  The  President  himself  was 
unquestionably  determined  to  do  what  seemed  to 
him  right,  and  he  proved  himself  singularly  fair 
and  candid.  That  the  South  should  be  robbed  of 
its  property  seemed  to  him  wrong ;  on  the  other 
hand,  he  could  see  no  justice  in  the  demand  that 
the  western  Territories  should  be  admitted  with 
slavery,  if  the  people  themselves  did  not  want 
it.  He  was  able  to  make  the  non-interference 
rule  work  both  ways.  The  South  was  furious. 
The  idea  that  the  domain  for  which  it  had  plotted 
and  fought  was  to  be  lost  to  slavery,  after  all,  was 
simply  maddening.  California,  however,  was  in 
need  of  some  government  at  once.  The  existing 
military  rule  was  inappropriate  and  inadequate, 
and  it  seemed  unjust  that  the  people  should  be  left 
in  anarchy  till  Congress  could  come  to  some  con 
clusion  on  slavery,  a  question  which  little  troubled 
the  average  gold  hunter  of  the  Pacific  slope.  The 
President  was  ready  to  protect  the  people  if  they 
took  steps  to  organize  a  state  government. 

The  people  of  California  now  gave  a  remarkable 


SENATOR. —  THE   COMPROMISE   OF  1850.       263 

example  of  the  wonderful  institutional  instinct  of 
the  Anglo-Saxon.  Of  their  own  accord  they 
adopted  a  constitution,  October,  1849,  established 
a  government,  and  applied  for  admittance  to  the 
Union  as  a  State,  without  having  passed  through 
the  stage  of  territorial  pupilage.  This  step  was 
entirely  in  accord  with  the  wishes  of  President 
Taylor,  who  had  already  sent  an  agent  to  suggest 
this  very  move,  which  was  begun,  however,  before 
he  arrived.  A  clause  prohibiting  slavery  was 
adopted  unanimously  in  the  convention,  and  the 
constitution  was  ratified  by  the  people  with  only 
811  dissenting  votes.  This  was  a  severe  blow  to 
the  South.  It  brought  the  slaveholders  face  to 
face  with  the  weakness  of  their  peculiar  institu 
tion  ;  they  saw  the  need  of  the  artificial  aid  of  the 
national  government  if  slavery  was  to  maintain 
itself  against  the  power  of  free  labor  and  the 
mighty  energy  of  the  North.  Hence  came  the  bitter 
vehemence  of  despair  and  the  instinctive  fierceness 
of  a  struggle  for  self-preservation.  From  this  time 
forward  the  thought  of  dissolution  of  the  Union 
gradually  grew  into  a  confirmed  belief  of  its  neces 
sity,  and  continually  became  more  familiar  to  the 
southern  people. 

In  January,  1849,  the  legislature  of  Michigan 
passed  a  joint  resolution  concerning  the  extension 
of  slavery  to  the  new  Territories.  It  repudiated 
squatter  sovereignty,  and  asserted  that  Congress 
had  the  power,  and  that  it  was  its  duty,  to  prohibit 
by  enactment  the  introduction  of  slavery  into  the 


264  LEWIS  CASS. 

West.  The  senators  were  "instructed"  and  the 
representatives  requested  to  use  their  efforts  to 
accomplish  such  an  object.  Cass  was  elected  to 
the  Senate  but  a  few  days  after  these  resolutions 
were  approved,  and  he  therefore  began  his  second 
term  with  the  knowledge  on  both  sides  that  his 
own  beliefs  on  the  great  question  were  different 
from  those  of  a  majority  of  the  legislature  and  of 
his  constituents.  His  election  under  these  circum 
stances  shows  that  he  was  still  trusted,  even  if  he 
did  hold  disagreeable  theories  concerning  slavery. 
Strong  opposition  to  him  had  appeared  in  the  nom 
ination  by  the  separate  houses ;  and  in  the  joint 
election  the  vote  was  close.  The  first  ballot,  which 
actually  tested  his  strength,  gave  him  44  votes  and 
to  all  others  38.  This  indicated  quite  a  change  in 
feeling  when  compared  with  the  action  of  the  leg 
islature  in  1845,  when  the  opposition  was  scarcely 
worthy  of  consideration.  To  vote  against  General 
Cass  was  a  severe  trial  to  some  of  his  old  friends, 
who  loved  him  personally  and  admired  him  as  a 
statesman  ;  but  Michigan  was  on  the  high  road  to 
its  later  Eepublican  beliefs,  and  in  reelecting  its 
trusted  leader  it  was  simply  postponing  the  day  of 
separation  from  him. 

Some  hoped  that  the  resolution  of  the  legisla 
ture  would  be  binding  on  him  ;  others  expected 
that  the  difficulty  would  blow  over,  and  that  Cass 
would  thus  avoid  without  disobeying  the  instruc 
tions.  How  clear  and  firm  his  opinions  were,  how 
ever,  is  illustrated  by  his  correspondence  during 


SENATOR.  —  THE  COMPROMISE  OF  1850.       265 

tlie  following  autumn.  In  November  he  received 
a  letter  from  prominent  Democrats  of  New  York, 
among  them  Daniel  E.  Sickles  and  Charles  O'Con- 
or,  asking  him  to  name  a  day  for  a  public  dinner 
in  his  honor.  "  Even  amid  the  fierce  contests  of 
party,"  they  said,  "  all  men  have  awarded  to  you  the 
praise  and  admiration  due  to  one  who  has  so  highly 
distinguished  himself  as  the  father  of  the  West,  a 
soldier  in  war,  a  statesman  in  peace,  an  eloquent 
advocate  and  defender  of  the  honor  of  his  country 
both  in  councils  at  home  and  in  her  representation 
abroad ;  and  therefore  you  cannot  be  surprised  to 
learn  that  the  Democracy  of  this  city,  whose  leader 
and  champion  you  are,  regard  you  with  an  affec 
tion  almost  filial."  He  declined  the  invitation  in 
a  vigorous  letter,  in  which  he  discussed  at  some 
length  the  topics  of  the  day.  His  strong  western 
spirit  plainly  forms  part  of  his  robust  nature  still ; 
and  though  growing  out  of  harmony  with  his 
section  in  some  particulars,  he  has  not  lost  his 
sense  of  its  desires  or  tendencies.  "  An  emigrant 
to  the  West  in  early  youth,  the  better  portion  of 
my  life  has  been  passed  in  that  great  contest  with 
nature  in  which  the  forest  has  given  way  and  an 
empire  has  arisen,  already  among  the  most  magnifi 
cent  creations  of  human  industry  and  enterprise. 
Placed  in  a  geographical  position  to  exert  a  pow 
erful  influence  upon  the  duration  of  the  confederacy 
of  republics,  attached  to  the  Union,  and  to  the 
whole  Union,  and  attached  equally  to  the  princi 
ples  of  freedom,  and  to  the  Constitution  by  which 


266  LEWIS   CASS. 

these  are  guarded  and  secured,  should  the  time 
ever  come,  —  as  I  trust  it  will  not,  —  and  come 
whence  and  why  it  may,  when  dissolution  shall 
find  advocates,  and  the  hand  of  violence  shall 
attempt  to  sever  the  bond  that  holds  us  together, 
the  West  will  rise  up  as  one  man  to  stay  a  deed  so 
fatal  to  the  cause  of  liberty  here  and  throughout 
the  world,  —  aye,  and  it  will  be  stayed.  Success 
can  never  hallow  the  effort."  He  clearly  foresaw 
the  meaning  of  the  coming  contest,  and  appreciated 
the  loyal  Union  spirit  of  his  constituents.  This 
statement  comes  from  the  leader  of  the  Democratic 
party  who  has  been  accused  of  weak-kneed  subser 
viency  to  the  South,  —  from  the  leader  of  a  party 
whose  northern  members  ten  years  later  too  often 
decried  "  a  Union  founded  on  force."  This  is  one 
of  the  first  frank  announcements  from  a  Demo 
cratic  politician  of  the  North  that  peaceful  dissolu 
tion  is  impossible,  —  aye  more,  that  dissolution  can 
and  will  be  prevented.  Such  gift  of  prophecy  lay 
in  his  sympathetic  appreciation  of  popular  feeling, 
in  his  clear  perception  of  actual  facts. 

The  Thirty-first  Congress  was  very  able,  and  one 
of  the  most  famous  in  our  history.  The  session 
lasted  nearly  ten  months,  dragging  its  weary  length 
through  the  summer  of  1850.  Nearly  the  whole 
of  the  first  month  was  consumed  by  the  House  in 
an  endeavor  to  elect  a  speaker,  a  difficult  task, 
inasmuch  as  the  balance  of  power  was  held  by  the 
"  immortal  nine,"  dogged  opponents  of  slavery. 
But  the  territorial  contest,  once  fairly  begun,  con- 


SENATOR.— THE   COMPROMISE   OF  1850.      267 

tinned  with  unflagging  energy  for  months.  The 
President's  message  told  of  the  action  of  Califor 
nia,  recommended  its  admittance  should  its  "  con 
stitution  be  conformable  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,"  and  advised  Congress  to  abstain 
from  the  discussion  of  "  those  exciting  topics  which 
have  hitherto  produced  painful  impressions  on  the 
public  mind."  So  mild  an  exhortation  to  temper 
ance  sounded  almost  ludicrous  in  the  midst  of  the 
intense  excitement. 

On  December  27th  Foote  of  Mississippi  offered 
a  resolution  that  it  was  the  duty  of  Congress  to 
establish  suitable  territorial  governments  for  Cal 
ifornia,  Deseret  (Utah),  and  New  Mexico.  Cass 
spoke  on  this  resolution  January  21st  and  22d. 
He  desired  to  make  a  complete  exposition  of  his 
views,  and,  if  possible,  to  influence  his  own  State ; 
for  he  felt  that  if  the  legislature  persisted  in  its 
instructions  he  must  resign.  He  spoke  for  the 
greater  portion  of  two  days  with  great  clearness 
and  force,  and  this  speech  stands  to-day  the 
most  complete  defense  of  the  doctrine  of  "  squat 
ter  sovereignty "  that  has  ever  been  given.  He 
argued  that  the  people  of  the  Territories  were 
capable  of  governing  themselves,  and  that  the  ex 
ercise  of  powers  of  government  by  Congress  would 
be  an  act  of  unwarranted  tyranny,  contrary  to  the 
great  principles  of  American  liberty.  Moreover 
there  was,  he  contended,  no  clause  in  the  Constitu 
tion  which  gives  to  Congress  express  power  to  pass 
any  law  respecting  slavery  in  the  Territories. 


268  LEWIS   CASS. 

Such  power  was  not  contained  in  the  clause  which 
gave  Congress  power  to  make  "  all  needful  rules 
and  regulations  respecting  the  territory  or  other 
property  belonging  to  the  United  States,"  for  that 
was  a  power  over  property  and  not  persons;  a 
misconception  had  arisen  because  of  a  confusion 
between  "  territory  "  and  "  Territory,"  which  latter 
was  not  land,  but  a  political  community  organized 
as  a  territorial  government.  This  proposition  he 
discussed  at  length,  and  with  great  keenness.  He 
then  denied  that  the  authority  of  Congress  could 
be  deduced  from  the  war  or  treaty-making  power ; 
for  that  would  not  account  for  congressional  con 
trol  over  territory  not  acquired  by  war  or  treaty, 
and  no  agreement  with  the  individual  States  could 
enlarge  the  competence  of  Congress  under  the 
Constitution.  The  right  to  admit  new  States  was 
equally  ineffectual;  the  reasoning  on  this  clause 
was  simply  analogical,  and  not  convincing ;  though 
the  Territories  might  be  likened  to  boys  in  pupil 
age,  the  analogy  was  not  perfect,  nor  could  such  sup 
positions  bestow  authority  upon  a  body  possessed  of 
enumerated  powers.  The  right  to  sell,  the  right  of 
ownership,  and  the  right  or  duty  of  settlement 
were  equally  insufficient  privileges  from  which  to 
deduce  a  right  to  govern  persons;  for  every  im 
plied  power  ought  to  bear  a  fair  relation  to  the 
specific  one.  The  right  of  sovereignty,  the  nature 
of  government,  nationality,  and  the  principles  of 
agency  and  trust  had  all  been  summoned  to  do  bat 
tle  in  opposition  to  "  squatter  sovereignty  ; "  but 


SENATOR.— THE   COMPROMISE   OF  1850.       269 

these  principles  overlooked  the  character  of  the 
Constitution  itself,  and  lost  sight  of  the  doctrines 
of  that  "  noble  state  paper,"  the  Virginia  Resolu 
tions  of  1799. 

Other  more  technical  reasons  for  claiming  that 
this  power  was  inherent  in  Congress  he  brought 
up  and  combated.  The  right  of  self-government 
by  the  people  of  the  Territories  was  given  by  no 
earthly  potentate  or  people.  "They  got  it  from 
Almighty  God ;  from  the  same  omnipotent  and 
beneficent  Being  who  gave  us  our  rights,  and  who 
gave  to  our  fathers  the  power  and  the  will  to  as 
sert  and  maintain  them."  He  ended  by  asking 
those  who  could  think  that  there  was  any  constitu 
tional  basis  for  the  Wilmot  proviso  to  consider 
the  circumstances  of  the  times  and  the  inexpediency 
of  the  measure.  His  closing  sentences  were  as 
follows':  "  I  will  endeavor  to  discharge  my  duty, 
as  an  American  Senator,  to  the  country  and  to  the 
whole  country,  agreeably  to  the  convictions  of  my 
own  duty  and  of  the  obligations  of  the  Constitu 
tion,  and  when  I  cannot  do  this  I  shall  cease  to 
have  any  duty  here  to  perform.  My  sentiments 
upon  the  Wilmot  proviso  are  now  before  the  Sen 
ate,  and  will  soon  be  before  my  constituents  and 
the  country.  I  am  precluded  from  voting  in  con 
formity  with  them.  I  have  been  instructed  by  the 
legislature  of  Michigan  to  vote  in  favor  of  this 
measure.  I  am  a  believer  in  the  right  of  instruc 
tion  when  fairly  exercised,  and  under  proper  cir 
cumstances.  There  are  limitations  upon  this  exer- 


270  LEWIS   CASS. 

else  ;  but  I  need  not  seek  to  ascertain  their  extent 
or  application,  for  they  do  not  concern  my  pres 
ent  position.  I  acknowledge  the  obligation  of  the 
instructions  I  have  received,  and  cannot  act  in 
opposition  to  them.  Nor  can  I  act  in  opposition 
to  my  own  convictions  of  the  true  meaning  of  the 
Constitution.  When  the  time  comes,  and  I  am 
required  to  vote  upon  this  measure  as  a  practical 
one,  in  a  bill  providing  for  a  territorial  govern 
ment,  I  shall  know  how  to  reconcile  my  duty  to 
the  legislature  with  my  duty  to  myself,  by  surren 
dering  a  trust  I  can  no  longer  fulfill."  l 

•  The  modern  student,  thinking  calmly  on  these 
great  questions,  soon  finds  common  sense  a  suffi 
cient  rebuttal  of  "  squatter  sovereignty."  If  the 
Constitution  is  to  be  strictly  construed,  then  Con 
gress  has  no  power  to  acquire  territory.  But  if 
such  a  power  is  admitted,  government  is  essential 
to  complete  acquisition,  and  follows  as  a  natural 
consequent  upon  the  very  heels  of  possession,  if  it  is 
not  actually  a  part  of  it.  Such  authority  has  been 
exercised  by  the  national  government  from  the  be 
ginning  of  its  history.  It  throws  a  strong  light 
on  the  confusion  of  the  times  that  such  self-evident 
propositions  were  rejected  by  a  large  portion  of 
the  people,  and  that  "squatter  sovereignty"  was 
accepted  as  logically  sound  and  conclusive ;  but  we 
must  remember  that  the  Rebellion  has  cleared  the 
air  for  us,  and  we  now  see  plainly  what  was  be 
fogged  forty  years  ago. 

1  Appendix  to  the  Congressional  Globe,  vol.  xxii.  pt.  1,  p.  74. 


SENATOR  —  THE   COMPROMISE   OF  1850.       271 

On  January  29th  Clay  introduced  a  series  of 
eight  resolutions,  the  intent  of  which  was  to  compro 
mise  the  conflicting  claims  of  North  and  South. 
The  first  proposed  the  admission  of  California  with 
out  any  restriction  by  Congress ;  the  second,  that, 
inasmuch  as  slavery  was  not  likely  to  exist  in  any  of 
the  territories  obtained  from  Mexico,  governments 
ought  to  be  established  there  without  restriction  or 
condition  on  the  subject  of  slavery ;  the  third,  that 
the  boundary  between  Texas  and  New  Mexico 
should  be  agreed  upon ;  the  fourth,  that  Texas  be 
paid  a  sum  of  money  in  consideration  of  giving 
up  in  large  part  her  claims  to  land  in  New  Mex 
ico  ;  the  fifth,  that  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia  under  present  circumstances 
was  inexpedient ;  the  sixth,  that  it  was  expedient 
to  prevent  the  slave-trade  in  the  District  of  Colum 
bia  ;  the  seventh,  that  a  more  effectual  fugitive  slave 
law  ought  to  be  passed ;  the  eighth,  that  Congress 
had  no  power  to  prohibit  the  slave-trade  between 
slave  States.  Clay  begged  the  senators  to  refrain 
from  discussing  this  measure  until  they  had  taken 
time  to  consider  it ;  but  debate  immediately  ensued, 
and  continued  for  months.  Cass  was  on  his  feet 
often  during  these  debates,  a  steady  and  consistent 
advocate  for  putting  an  end  to  an  unnecessary  agi 
tation.  In  addition  to  his  arguments  on  unconsti- 
tutionality,  he  insisted  that  the  law  of  nature  had 
banished  slavery  forever  from  California,  and  that 
the  proviso  discussion  was  one  of  selfish  sentiment. 

The  presentation  of  a  petition  by  Senator  Hale 


272  LEWIS   CASS. 

of  New  Hampshire  for  the  peaceable  dissolution  of 
the  Union  called  forth  (February  12th)  an  elo 
quent  and  forcible  address  from  Cass.  "  To  dissolve 
this  Union  peaceably !  "  he  exclaimed.  "  He  who 
believes  that  such  a  government  as  this,  with  its 
traditions,  its  institutions,  its  promises  of  the  past, 
its  performances  of  the  present,  and  its  hopes  of 
the  future,  living  in  the  heart's  core  of  almost  every 
American,  can  be  broken  up  without  bloodshed, 
has  read  human  nature  and  human  history  to  little 
purpose."  February  20th  he  frankly  outlined  his 
course  in  regard  to  the  proviso.  He  confessed  his 
inconsistency.  The  "  retailing  of  conversations  in 
railroad  cars  "  was  not  needed  to  prove  that  at  first 
he  was  ready  to  vote  for  the  measure.  A  calm  in 
vestigation  and  unimpassioned  consideration  of  ex 
pediency  had  led  him  to  change  his  mind.  With 
unusual  vehemence  he  repelled  the  insinuation  that 
he  was  a  "  doughface  "  because  he  was  not  ready 
to  "  cover  the  country  with  blood  and  conflagration 
to  abolish  slavery."  On  the  conclusion  of  his 
speech  Clay  thanked  him,  and  agreed  with  him  that 
the  country  was  in  danger  because  of  "  ultraism," 
which  made  calm  discussion  an  impossibility.  No 
one  can  read  these  fervid  speeches  without  being 
convinced  of  Cass's  thorough  sincerity  and  intense 
moral  earnestness.  He  believed  slavery  was  a  mis 
fortune  to  the  South ;  yet  that  only  the  passing  ages 
could  bring  about  emancipation  without  the  de 
struction  of  both  races ;  but  that  "  God  in  his  prov 
idence"  might  bring  it  about.  Only  one  who  is  in- 


SENATOR.  — THE   COMPROMISE   OF  1850.       273 

tent  upon  finding  chicanery  and  low  ambition  in  this 
period  of  his  life  will  fail  to  sympathize  with  his  in 
tense,  however  mistaken,  eagerness  for  compromise. 

"Webster's  famous  7th  of  March  speech,  in  which 
he  deplored  unnecessary  agitation,  advocated  com 
promise,  and  lamented  sentiment,  had  direct  effect 
at  the  North.  It  was  itself  the  expression  of  reac 
tion  and  conservatism.  It  aided  the  growing  desire 
to  settle  the  question  and  to  restore  harmony,  and 
seems  to  have  influenced  the  legislature  of  Michi 
gan  to  reconsider  its  instructions  and  requests  to  the 
congressmen  of  the  State.1  April  llth  Cass  exult- 
ingly  read  to  the  Senate  resolutions  freeing  him 
from  any  obligation  to  vote  contrary  to  his  judg 
ment,  and  heartily  approving  the  patriotic  stand 
taken  by  those  who  had  "  united  their  efforts  to 
preserve  the  Union  one  and  indivisible." 

This  was  a  session  of  great  speeches.  On  March 
4th  Calhoun's  views  were  read  to  the  Senate  by  a 
fellow-senator.  He  himself  was  too  weak  to  speak. 
The  old  nullifier  was  dying.  But  his  last  energies 
were  devoted  to  the  South  and  to  slavery,  to  a  cause 
that  was  doomed  and  to  a  system  that  had  cast  its 
blight  on  the  State  which  he  had  loved  so  well  and 
served  so  faithfully.  His  argument  was  simple  — 
equilibrium  must  be  maintained ;  the  encroachments 
of  the  North  must  be  prevented ;  only  by  a  zealous 
care  for  southern  interests,  by  a  maintenance  of  po 
litical  equality,  could  harmony  be  secured  and  the 

1  Private  correspondence  between  the  author  and  a  member  of 
the  legislature  at  that  time. 


274  LEWIS   CASS. 

Southern  States  remain  in  the  Union  consistently 
with  their  honor  and  safety.  "  The  cry  of  '  Union, 
Union,  the  glorious  Union ! '  can  no  more  prevent 
disunion  than  the  cry  of  '  Health,  health,  glorious 
health !  '  on  the  part  of  a  physician,  can  save  a  pa 
tient  lying  dangerously  ill."  The  South,  he  said, 
must  be  protected  by  some  constitutional  provision, 
which  there  would  be  no  difficulty  in  devising. 
He  referred,  doubtless,  to  his  plan  of  electing  two 
presidents,  one  from  each  section,  who  should  pro 
tect  their  respective  interests,  a  plan  he  had  already 
worked  out  in  his  "  Discourse  on  the  Constitution 
and  Government  of  the  United  States." 

As  Webster's  7th  of  March  speech  expressed  the 
longing  for  peace  and  the  growing  weariness  at  the 
North  of  the  endless  discussion,  and  was  a  mani 
festation  of  conservatism  and  reaction,  so  on  the 
other  hand  Seward's  and  Chase's  words  declared 
the  unwavering  zeal  of  the  earnest  and  serious,  who 
were  content  with  no  temporizing  compromise,  and 
demanded  principles  in  accord  with  the  "higher 
law."  Seward's  speech  was  one  of  the  greatest  in 
the  annals  of  American  oratory ;  he  saw  so  clearly, 
he  felt  so  keenly,  he  argued  so  calmly  and  logically. 
"  I  feel  assured  that  slavery  must  give  way,  and  will 
give  way,  to  the  salutary  instructions  of  economy, 
and  to  the  ripening  influences  of  humanity ;  that 
emancipation  is  inevitable,  and  is  near ;  that  it  may 
be  hastened  or  hindered ;  and  that,  whether  it  be 
peaceful  or  violent,  depends  on  the  question  whether 
it  be  hastened  or  hindered  .  .  .  that  all  measures 


SENATOR.— THE   COMPROMISE  OF  1850.      275 

which  fortify  slavery,  or  extend  it,  tend  to  the  con 
summation  of  violence  ...  all  that  check  its  exten 
sion  and  abate  its  strength  tend  to  its  peaceful  extir 
pation."  Webster  and  Clay  and  Cass  saw  through 
the  glass  of  past  prejudices  but  darkly.  Seward 
and  Chase  read  the  present  and  the  future  face  to 
face.  Cass  in  an  elaborate  address  on  March  13th 
and  14th  sharply  rebuked  Seward  for  accepting 
office  under  a  Constitution  which  recognized  the 
necessity  of  an  "  immoral "  fugitive  slave  law,  and 
criticised  the  "  equilibrium  "  propositions  of  Cal- 
houn. 

There  was  great  disagreement  concerning  the 
various  proposals  of  Clay's  compromise  measure. 
One  objected  to  one  clause  and  another  to  another 
clause,  and  finally  the  whole  subject  was  on  April 
13th  referred  to  a  select  committee  of  thirteen,  of 
which  Clay  was  chairman,  and  Cass  was  a  mem 
ber.  On  May  8th  this  committee  reported,  and 
recommended  three  bills.  The  first  provided  for 
three  distinct  objects :  the  immediate  admittance 
of  California,  the  establishment  of  territorial  gov 
ernments  for  New  Mexico  and  Utah,  with  the  stip 
ulation  that  the  territorial  legislature  should  pass 
no  law  with  reference  to  slavery,  the  settlement  of 
the  boundary  of  Texas,  and  the  payment  to  that 
State  of  a  sum  of  money,  as  a  recompense  for  her 
giving  up  her  claim  to  part  of  New  Mexico.  The 
second  bill  provided  for  the  return  of  fugitive 
slaves ;  the  third  for  the  discontinuance  of  the 
slave-trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  This 


276  LEWIS  CASS. 

report  had  been  agreed  upon  by  the  committee  after 
long  discussions  and  debates.  Its  reception  by  the 
Senate  was  not  flattering.  Some  of  the  radical 
southern  members  demanded  that  California  should 
not  be  admitted.  Others  from  the  North,  on  the 
other  hand,  asserted  that  the  admission  of  California 
should  not  be  made  conditional  upon  the  formation 
of  territorial  governments,  and  desired  that  the 
principle  of  the  Wilmot  proviso  should  be  applied 
to  the  Territories.  It  seemed  absolutely  impossible 
to  harmonize  differences.  The  debate  went  on  day 
after  day  with  mechanical  regularity,  but  with  un 
failing  vehemence  and  bitterness.  Cass  was  con 
tinually  on  his  feet,  the  able  and  persistent  ally  of 
Clay  and  a  champion  of  the  compromise. 

President  Taylor  had  been  drawn  into  obstinate 
opposition  to  the  committee's  plans,  partly  because 
his  loyal  heart  was  stirred  to  resentment  by  the 
treasonable  threats  of  the  South,  and  partly  because 
he  had  from  the  first  been  in  favor  of  admitting 
California  with  her  constitution  as  adopted.  On 
July  9th  he  died.  Presidential  duties  had  worried 
and  annoyed  him,  and  had  told  severely  upon  him. 
His  last  words  tell  the  tale  of  an  unpretentious  life, 
whose  late  ambition  had  not  brought  peace  or  hap 
piness  :  "  I  have  always  done  my  duty ;  I  am  ready 
to  die ;  my  only  regret  is  for  the  friends  I  leave 
behind  me."  Fillmore  became  President,  and  the 
weight  of  executive  influence  was  thrown  in  favor 
of  the  compromise  measure. 

On  June  llth  and  August  12th  the  doctrine  of 


SENATOR.  — THE   COMPROMISE   OF  1850.      277 

non-interference,  of  the  absolute  and  divine  right  of 
the  people  of  the  Territories  to  govern  themselves, 
was  ably  discussed  and  defended  by  Cass.  He 
fondly  believed  that  the  compromise  would  still  the 
raging  tempest.  "  There  can  be  no  Wilmot  proviso, 
and  no  one  proposes  to  interfere  with  the  claims  of 
Texas.  Then  why  not  terminate  this  whole  contro 
versy,  and  thus  banish  its  remembrances  from  our 
councils  and  country.  .  .  .  That  done,  we  should 
enter  again  upon  a  glorious  career,  with  none  to 
trouble  us  or  to  make  us  afraid.  God  grant  that 
the  denunciation  contained  in  the  command  to  the 
prophet  may  not  already  have  gone  out  against  us. 
Say  ye  not  a  confederacy,  to  all  them  to  whom  this 
people  shall  say  a  confederacy;  neither  fear  ye 
their  fear,  nor  be  afraid." 

He  was  winning  his  State  to  a  temporary  faith  in 
his  beliefs.  A  Democratic  convention  of  Michigan 
in  June  passed  resolutions  in  favor  of  the  compro 
mise,  and  eulogized  the  "  patriotic  efforts  "  of  Gen 
eral  Cass.  "Placing  himself  in  the  breach,  and 
stemming  a  current  of  popular  prejudice  and  fanat 
icism  as  relentless  and  prescriptive  in  its  character 
as  it  is  sectional  and  destructive  in  its  objects,  he 
has  achieved  a  moral  triumph  no  less  creditable  to 
himself  than  it  is  salutary  in  its  results  upon  the 
permanency  of  our  republican  form  of  government." 
The  convention  also  advocated  congressional  non 
intervention  as  the  only  sound  basis  for  the  Demo 
cratic  party. 

The  different  provisions  of  the  compromise  bill 


278  LEWIS   CASS. 

were  finally  passed  piece-meal.  Territorial  govern 
ments  were  given  to  Utah  and  to  New  Mexico.  Cal 
ifornia  was  admitted.  Texas  was  given  $  10,000,000 
in  lieu  of  all  title  to  land  organized  as  part  of  New 
Mexico.  The  slave-trade  in  the  District  of  Colum 
bia  was  abolished.  An  infamous  fugitive  slave  law 
was  passed,  providing  for  summary  proceedings 
and  a  shameful  disregard  for  the  rights  of  free 
blacks.  Undoubtedly  the  country  breathed  more 
easily  when  the  compromise  was  adopted,  and  many 
deceived  themselves  into  believing  that  strife  was 
forever  stifled.  But  the  act  contained  the  seeds  of 
its  own  destruction.  Slave  hunting  in  the  North 
began  at  once,  and  in  earnest.  Greeley l  estimated 
that  within  the  first  year  of  the  existence  of  these 
new  regulations  more  persons  were  seized  as  fugi 
tive  slaves  than  during  the  preceding  sixty  years. 
Cass  had  been  in  favor  of  making  the  original  slave 
law  of  1793  more  effective  by  adequate  amend 
ments.  He  was  willing  to  do  "  justice "  to  the 
South.  But  the  South  on  its  part  did  not,  and 
could  not,  appreciate  northern  hatred  of  slave 
hunting ;  and  the  consequent  result  of  this  strict 
law  was  to  bring  the  evils  of  slavery,  in  its  most 
revolting  and  inhuman  aspects,  home  to  the  con 
sciences  of  a  people  whose  moral  sense  was  not 
blunted.  The  compromise  of  1850,  which  was 
hailed  as  the  final  settlement  of  sectional  differences, 
in  fact  precipitated  the  Kebellion,  and  hastened  the 
destruction  of  the  "  institution "  of  the  South. 

1  The  American  Conflict,  p.  216. 


SENATOR.  — THE   COMPROMISE   OF  1850.       279 

Strange  does  it  seem  now  that  a  representative  of 
the  free  Northwest  could  not  see  more  clearly,  could 
have  thus  lost  moral  insight  into  the  first  princi 
ples  of  respectable  republican  liberty.  He  desired, 
it  is  true,  that  provision  should  be  made  for  a  jury 
trial  in  the  State  to  which  the  alleged  runaway 
might  be  transported,  but  he  voted  against  allow 
ing  such  a  safeguard  of  liberty  in  the  North,  because 
that  would  be  doing  "  injustice "  to  the  South. 
He  refused  to  favor  an  amendment  to  this  infa 
mous  law,  which  would  have  permitted  the  issue  of 
a  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  A  dark  complexion  was  a 
crime  which  freed  the  nation  from  all  consider 
ation. 

Those  who  had  worked  so  strongly  through  the 
long  oppressive  weeks  of  summer  for  a  compro 
mise  which  would  save  the  Union  were  terribly 
disappointed  and  goaded  to  a  pitch  of  anger  because 
there  was  still  agitation  and  opposition.  The 
strong  and  uncompromising  adherents  of  free  soil 
were  thought  to  be  nursing  "  in  their  bosoms  the 
feelings  of  disappointment  and  hate,"  —  and  to 
have  shut  their  eyes  to  the  fruits  of  a  happy  Union 
"  which  compromise  ushered  into  existence." l  Yet 
unquestionably  there  was  on  the  whole  a  feeling  of 
rest  and  relief  because  the  crisis  had  passed  with 
out  destruction.  A  great  reaction  toward  conser 
vatism  had  made  itself  felt  among  the  mercantile 
classes  of  the  North,  who  began  to  realize  how  much 
the  industries  of  the  country  would  be  disturbed  by 
, 1  Smith,  Life  and  Times  of  Lewis  Cass,  p.  710. 


280  LEWIS   CASS. 

disunion.  Trade  is  always  timid.  The  steady 
compromisers  were  therefore  honored  at  the  marts 
of  trade  and  commerce.  A  number  of  citizens  of 
New  York  gave  Cass  a  public  reception  November 
28,  1850,  just  before  the  opening  of  Congress.  His 
"  eloquent  address  "  was  received  with  "  vehement 
applause."  l  It  was  an  earnest  appeal  for  content 
ment,  and  for  a  recognition  of  the  finality  of  the 
compromise.  A  member  of  the  Congress  which 
had  just  passed  one  of  the  most  shameful  acts  that 
ever  sullied  a  statute  book,  depriving  a  man  with  a 
black  skin  of  all  security  in  liberty  or  in  the  pur 
suit  of  happiness,  talked  about  the  "  precious  heri 
tage  of  liberty."  ..."  And  where  in  the  long 
annals  of  mankind  do  we  find  a  people  so  highly 
favored  as  we  are  at  this  moment,  when  we  seem  to 
be  struck  with  judicial  blindness  —  almost  ready,  I 
may  say,  in  the  language  of  Scripture,  to  rush  upon 
the  thick  bosses  of  Jehovah's  buckler  ?  The  sun 
never  shone  upon  a  country  as  free  and  prosperous 
as  this,  where  human  freedom  finds  less  oppression, 
the  human  intellect  less  restraint,  or  human  indus 
try  less  opposition." 

There  was  a  vigorous  desire  on  the  part  of  the 
people  to  reason  themselves  to  sleep,  and  to  make 
use  of  all  sorts  of  devices  to  rid  themselves  of  this 
horrid  insomnia ;  but  it  was  a  hard  task,  although 
there  was  an  evident  backsliding  after  the  high 
excitement  of  1850.  Cass  was  elected  senator  in 
February,  1851,  by  a  handsome  majority.  This  is 

1  Newspaper  article. 


SENATOR.— THE   COMPROMISE   OF  1S50.       281 

a  clear  indication  of  the  acquiescence  in  the  "  final 
ity"  of  the  compromise.  Many  people  of  the 
North  were  prepared  to  assert  that  they  would  take 
no  thought  for  the  morrow.  The  appalling  cases 
of  cruelty  were  too  frequent,  however ;  and  action 
was  bound  sooner  or  later  to  follow  reaction.  Ora 
tors  might  depict  the  beauties  of  patriarchal  sla 
very,  but  the  despair  of  the  captured  fugitives, 
their  readiness  to  die  rather  than  to  be  taken  back 
to  the  South,  belied  all  efforts  of  that  kind.  The 
contradictions  of  pamphleteers  and  deluded  con 
servatives  were  daily  made  more  glaring ;  the  sen 
timentalists  of  the  North  were  upbraided  because 
they  discountenanced  the  capture  of  slaves  and 
their  return  to  the  blessed  and  happy  bondage, 
from  which  ecstatic  state  they  were  escaping  in 
hundreds  to  the  ruin  of  their  kind,  gentle,  and 
Christian  masters. 

Other  orators  and  statesmen  used  words  similar 
to  those  of  Cass.  But  all  Union-saving  speeches 
and  prayers  were  ineffectual.  When  Congress 
met,  in  December,  it  was  apparent  that,  although 
there  was  a  calm  after  the  storm,  some  would  insist 
on  being  shocked  and  horrified  at  the  fugitive 
slave  act.  President  Fillmore's  message  indorsed 
the  finality  of  the  compromise.  But  the  indorse 
ment  itself  called  forth  a  bitter  debate.  "  The 
farmer  of  Ohio,"  said  Giddings,  "  will  never  turn 
out  to  chase  the  panting  fugitive."  Petitions 
against  the  act  came  in  scores.  Cass  lamented 
that  sentiment  and  ultraism  had  bewitched  the 


282  LEWIS   CASS. 

people.  In  a  speech  in  the  Senate  (February 
1851)  he  deplored  the  statement  that  the  law  was 
contrary  to  public  sentiment,  and  could  not  be  en 
forced.  He  read  a  ringing  resolution  adopted  by  a 
meeting  in  Springfield,  Massachusetts,  which  hailed 
the  escape  of  a  hunted  slave,  and  avowed  the  hope 
that,  "  law  or  no  law,  constitution  or  no  constitution, 
Union  or  no  Union,  the  hospitality  of  Massachu 
setts  will  never  be  violated  by  the  deliverance  of 
any  fugitive  from  oppression  to  his  tyrant  again." 
Such  "unpatriotic"  resolutions  he  attributed  to  the 
teachings  of  English  emissaries,  who  were  jour 
neying  over  our  land,  preaching  abolition  and  the 
sinfulness  of  the  Constitution. 

As  the  campaign  of  1852  approached,  it  became 
evident  that  the  Democrats  had  the  advantage  of 
harmony  and  discipline.  Not  all  Democrats  were 
in  favor  of  the  fugitive  slave  act,  but  there  was  no 
such  division  in  their  ranks  as  in  those  of  the 
Whigs,  where  the  anti-slavery  sentiment  would  not 
down.  The  conservative  reaction  was  still  vig 
orous  during  the  summer  of  this  year.  Those  who 
were  crying  "  Peace,  peace,"  would  evidently  still 
cling  to  the  old  parties,  and  many  would  turn  to 
the  one  whose  history  promised  no  attack  upon 
the  "  peculiar  institution  "  of  the  Southern  States. 
The  horrors  of  the  slave  chase  were  not  yet  com 
pletely  brought  home  to  the  northern  conscience 
and  sympathy.  The  National  Democratic  Conven 
tion  met  in  Baltimore  on  June  1st.  On  the  first 
ballot  Cass  was  the  favorite.  He  received  116 


SENATOR.  —  THE    COMPROMISE   OF  1850.       283 

votes ;  Buchanan  received  93 ;  Marcy,  27 ;  and 
there  were  27  scattering.  The  contest  was  long  arid 
exciting.  Cass  was  still  recognized  as  the  leader 
of  his  party  ;  but  the  practical  politician  is  loath 
to  place  in  nomination  a  man  once  defeated,  whose 
weak  points  have  been  brought  into  view,  and  who 
no  longer  can  awaken  enthusiasm  from  novelty. 
The  balloting  continued ;  Cass's  vote  at  one  time 
dropped  to  25.  Douglas,  on  the  thirtieth  ballot, 
had  as  many  as  92.  On  the  thirty-fifth  Cass's  vote 
reached  131.  Then  the  name  of  Franklin  Pierce 
was  introduced.  Marcy  was  still  formidable,  re 
ceiving  97  on  the  forty-fifth  ballot ;  but  on  the 
forty-ninth  the  New  Hampshire  man  was  chosen. 
The  second  place  on  the  ticket  was  given  to  Wil 
liam  E.  King  of  Alabama. 

The  candidates  were  suited  to  the  task  assigned 
them.  Pierce  is  not  one  of  the  great  men  of  our 
political  history,  but  belongs  in  the  column  of  pres 
idential  accidents.  He  had  served  in  Congress  for 
some  ten  years,  and  had  been  a  brigadier-general 
in  the  Mexican  war.  He  had  in  no  way  shown 
any  preeminent  ability.  What  was  wanted  was 
precisely  such  a  colorless  candidate  to  carry  the 
standard  of  the  party  announcing  the  "  finality " 
of  the  compromise  of  1850.  Resolutions  were 
adopted  declaring  that  Congress  had  no  power  to 
interfere  with  the  domestic  institutions  of  the  sev 
eral  States,  and  that  all  the  efforts  of  the  aboli 
tionists  to  induce  Congress  to  take  such  steps  were 
calculated  to  lead  to  the  most  alarming  conse- 


284  LEWIS   CASS. 

quences.  The  party  was  pledged  to  resist  all  at 
tempts  at  "  renewing  "  the  agitation  of  the  slavery 
question  in  Congress  or  out  of  it.  Pierce  accepted 
the  nomination,  and  approved  heartily  of  the  plat 
form. 

The  Whig  convention,  which  met  soon  after 
ward,  seemed  to  have  as  great  travail  as  its  rival 
had  suffered  in  bringing  forth  a  candidate.  Its 
southern  members  had  already  indicated  the  neces 
sity  of  agreeing  to  the  compromise,  while  at  the 
North  there  was  a  strong  element  of  the  party 
which  was  no  longer  bound  to  it  by  principles,  but 
simply  by  past  associations.  Scott,  Fillmore,  and 
Webster  were  the  candidates.  The  first  was  nomi 
nated  on  the  fifty-third  ballot.  Had  Webster  been 
nominated  the  campaign  might  have  taken  a  differ 
ent  line,  for  his  readiness  to  accept  radical  conser 
vatism  on  the  slavery  question  had  already  been 
demonstrated ;  but  he  did  not  receive  a  single 
southern  vote  in  the  convention.  The  platform, 
supposed  to  have  been  the  work  of  Webster, 
adopted  adjustment  and  finality,  and  acquiesced  in 
the  fugitive  slave  law.  The  party  had  passed  its 
last  resolution.  There  was  truth  in  the  epitaph 
which  the  public  wrote  upon  its  tomb :  "  Died  of 
an  attempt  to  swallow  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law." 

A  Free  -  Soil  National  Convention  in  August 
nominated  John  P.  Hale  for  president  and  George 
W.  Julian  for  vice-president.  Both  the  great  par 
ties  were  pronounced  hopelessly  corrupt  and  un 
worthy  of  confidence ;  and  were  wittily  character- 


SENATOR.— THE   COMPROMISE  OF  1950.       285 

ized  as  the  "  Whig  and  Democratic  wings  of  the 
great  Compromise  party  of  the  Nation."  This 
campaign  was  conducted  with  great  enthusiasm 
and  with  the  courage  of  moral  earnestness  ;  but 
the  result  seemed  to  furnish  even  less  encourage 
ment  than  had  been  offered  four  years  before. 
The  vote  had  actually  fallen  off.  It  represented, 
however,  the  actual  strength  of  the  anti-slavery 
men  in  politics  unaided  by  any  side  issue.  There 
was  great  zeal  in  the  North  to  lie  prostrate  in  wor 
ship  before  the  Constitution,  compromise,  and  con 
ciliation.  In  New  York,  where  Van  Buren  had 
received  such  a  great  vote  in  1848,  the  Free-Soil- 
ers  did  not  hold  even  the  balance  of  power.  In 
Michigan  there  were  3,000  less  votes  cast  for  Hale 
than  had  been  cast  for  Van  Buren.  The  same 
proportionate  falling  off  appears  in  the  other  North 
western  States,  including  Ohio,  and  yet  this  por 
tion  of  the  Union  was  especially  true  to  the  faith. 
Most  of  the  old  Barnburners  of  New  York  forgot 
their  free  soil  aberration,  and  voted  and  worked 
for  Pierce.  Many  of  the  northern  Whigs  found 
it  hard  to  be  reconciled ;  they  were  said,  in  the 
slang  of  the  day,  "  to  swallow  the  candidates  and 
to  spit  upon  the  platform." 

The  Democrats  had  felt  great  confidence  in  their 
success,  but  no  one  had  anticipated  such  a  victory 
as  they  won.  Scott  received  only  42  electoral 
votes,  carrying  in  the  North  Massachusetts  and 
Vermont,  in  the  South  Kentucky  and  Tennessee. 
Not  a  single  State  especially  interested  in  slavery 


286  LEWIS   CASS. 

deigned  to  reward  the  party  which  had  been  for 
years  stifling  all  its  better  feelings  and  hopes  out  of 
tender  consideration  for  the  "  rights  "  of  the  South. 
The  popular  plurality  was  not  so  crushing,  only 
202,008 ;  but  Taylor  had  beaten  Cass  by  a  plural 
ity  of  138,447.  There  was  no  excuse  for  the  Whigs 
longer  to  pretend  to  exist  as  a  party.  They  had  been 
kept  together  since  1848  by  spoils  and  the  memory 
of  past  glory.  In  the  light  of  this  defeat  even 
memory  lost  its  sweetness.  Though  some  were  still 
obstinate  and  used  the  old  name,  the  party  was 
gone.  Some  rude  shock  was  necessary  to  shake 
into  crystals  the  different  elements  held  in  the 
solution  of  uncertainty  and  doubt.  Such  a  shock 
soon  came,  and  the  study  of  the  next  eight  years 
of  this  sixth  decade  of  our  history  may  be  devoted 
to  watching  the  effect  upon  the  North  of  blow  after 
blow  from  the  arrogant  South.  The  Democracy, 
now  given  up  to  southern  policy  and  flushed  with 
victory,  scarcely  realized  the  danger  of  presump 
tion  until  the  free  Northwest  had  brought  into  be 
ing  a  gigantic  young  party  filled  with  the  enthusi 
asm  of  youth,  principle,  and  patriotism.  Not  till 
the  Whigs  were  disorganized  and  thrown  into  con 
fusion  by  overwhelming  defeat,  was  there  an  oppor 
tunity  for  a  recombination  in  opposition  to  slavery. 
The  triumph  of  the  compromise  was  all  that  was 
needed  to  destroy  it. 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE   REPEAL   OF   THE   MISSOURI    COMPROMISE. — 
THE   NORTHWEST    FORMS   A   NEW   PARTY. 

A  STUDY  of  the  popular  vote  of  1852  might 
have  made  the  Democratic  party  somewhat  cau 
tious  ;  for  its  actual  majority  was  very  small.  But 
compromise  and  finality,  as  represented  by  Pierce, 
seemed  to  be  triumphant,  and  the  new  president  was 
eager  for  adjustment  and  for  the  enforcement  of 
the  law.  His  message,  December,  1853,  once  more 
proclaimed  that  the  slavery  contest  should  be 
considered  settled.  From  its  uneasy  slumbers  the 
country  was  suddenly  awakened  on  January  16, 
1854,  by  Senator  Dixon  of  Kentucky.  The  suc 
cessor  of  Henry  Clay  gave  notice  that  when  a  bill 
to  establish  a  territorial  government  in  Nebraska 
should  come  up  for  consideration,  he  should  offer  a 
resolution  repealing  the  Missouri  compromise  and 
permitting  the  citizens  of  the  several  States  and  Ter 
ritories  to  take  and  hold  their  slaves  within  any  of 
the  Territories  of  the  United  States.  January  23d, 
Stephen  A.  Douglas  reported  from  the  Committee 
on  Territories  a  bill  for  the  formation  of  two  Terri 
tories,  —  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  —  which  provided 
that  all  cases  involving  the  title  to  slaves  and  ques- 


288  LEWIS   CASS. 

tions  of  personal  freedom  should  be  referred  to  the 
local  tribunals  with  right  of  appeal  to  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States.  This,  of  course,  meant 
the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  compromise.  It  was 
declared  to  be  the  intent  of  the  act  to  carry  into 
practical  operation  the  principles  established  by  the 
compromise  measure  of  1850.  Non-intervention 
was  now  made  applicable,  not  alone  to  the  "  broken 
crests  and  deep  valleys,"  nor  to  the  mountain  tops 
"  capped  by  perennial  snow,"  nor  to  the  barren 
mountain  sides  of  New  Mexico  and  Utah,  but  to 
the  broad  rolling  prairies  west  of  the  Mississippi. 
The  section  of  the  Missouri  compromise,  excluding 
slavery  north  of  36°  30',  was  declared  inoperative 
and  void,  as  being  inconsistent  with  the  principle 
of  non-intervention  recognized  by  the  legislation  of 
1850.  There  is  ostensible  but  not  real  truth,  there 
fore,  in  the  statement  of  Jefferson  Davis  that  the 
Missouri  line  was  erased,  not  in  1854,  but  by  Clay's 
last  effort  at  mediation. 

The  act  as  adopted,  contained  the  following 
statement,  afterwards  a  subject  of  some  discussion : 
"  It  being  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  the  act 
not  to  legislate  slavery  into  any  Territory  or  State, 
nor  to  exclude  it  therefrom,  but  to  leave  the  people 
thereof  perfectly  free  to  form  and  regulate  their 
domestic  institutions  in  their  own  way,  subject  only 
to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States."  Jeffer 
son  Davis,  in  his  work  on  the  ''Rise  and  Fall  of 
the  Confederate  Government,"  maintains  that  the 
claim  afterwards  advanced  by  Douglas  and  others, 


REPEAL  OF  THE  MISSOURI  COMPROMISE.    289 

that  this  declaration  was  intended  to  assert  the  right 
of  the  first  settlers  of  the  Territory  to  determine 
the  character  of  its  institutions,  led  to  the  dissen 
sions  which  resulted  in  a  rupture  of  the  Demo 
cratic  party.  He  insists  that  this  right  to  "  regu 
late  their  domestic  institutions "  belonged  to  the 
people  of  a  Territory  only  at  the  moment  of  form 
ing  a  constitution  for  admittance  into  the  Union. 
The  same  statements  have  been  made  by  other 
writers  in  behalf  of  the  "Lost  Cause."  The  "  Lit 
tle  Giant,"  who  declaimed  in  his  frenzied  fashion 
in  favor  of  the  rights  of  the  slaveholder,  until  he 
was  abused  and  execrated  by  the  more  advanced 
people  of  the  North,  is  now  slandered  and  maligned 
by  the  advocates  of  the  South.  He  is  described  as 
an  "  able  and  eloquent  demagogue,"  whose  popular 
sovereignty  was  merely  "  a  short  cut  to  all  the  ends 
of  Black  Republicanism."  The  truth  is,  however, 
that  the  South,  finding  itself  beaten  at  its  own 
game,  thereupon  followed  the  advice  of  the  old 
lawyer  to  a  member  newly  admitted  to  the  profes 
sion  :  having  neither  law  nor  facts  in  its  favor,  it 
abused  the  other  side.  An  unprejudiced  reading  of 
the  speeches  of  Cass  and  Douglas  on  the  act  of 
1854  will  show  that  popular  or  "squatter  sov 
ereignty"  meant  control  over  legislation  by  the 
people  of  a  Territory.  Cass  made  two  eloquent  and 
skillful  speeches  on  the  subject,  clear  as  the  sun  at 
noonday.  The  fact  is  that  the  remarkable  infatu 
ation  of  the  South  allowed  it,  even  as  late  as  1854, 
to  believe  that  it  could  compete  for  the  western 


290  LEWIS  CA88. 

prairie  with  the  free  North,  whose  population  was 
far  greater,  and  which  was  constantly  receiving 
such  additions  from  the  old  world  that  it  could 
pour  a  steady  stream  of  immigrants  into  the  new 
territories.  Not  until  the  painful  truth  came  home, 
that  competition  with  the  free  North  in  expansion, 
in  power,  in  vigor,  was  a  hopeless  task,  did  the 
ordinary  slave-owner  abuse  popular  sovereignty  and 
demand  the  affirmative  protection  by  Congress  of 
all  his  rights  to  property  in  persons.  We  shall  see 
that  in  this  hopeless  contest  he  at  last  turned  even 
to  the  nefarious  slave-trade,  which  had  been  piracy 
for  forty  years  and  illegal  for  fifty,  hoping  in  spite 
of  defeat  that  the  forests  of  Africa  would  give 
the  means  to  counteract  the  emigration  from  the 
crowded  fields  and  cities  of  Europe. 

Cass,  as  the  inventor  of  popular  sovereignty,  has 
been  burdened  with  abusive  epithets,  and  accused 
of  pernicious  intents ;  but,  after  all,  popular  sover 
eignty,  though  artificial,  and  an  absurd  deduction 
from  general  principles,  if  honestly  carried  out 
would  have  chained  slavery  within  its  early  limits, 
wherein  it  was  doomed  to  destruction  by  the  silent 
operation  of  economic  and  industrial  laws.  But 
the  South  would  not  live  up  to  the  doctrine  when 
the  struggle  went  against  it.  California  was  lost ; 
the  mountain  passes  -of  New  Mexico  were  forbid 
ding  ;  and  the  plains  beyond  the  mountains  had  not 
yet  suggested  their  beautiful  transformation  at  the 
touch  pf  irrigation  and  modern  mechanical  skill. 
The  Kansas  and  Nebraska  country,  stretching  away 


REPEAL   OF  THE  MISSOURI  COMPROMISE.    291 

to  the  Rocky  Mountains  and  north  to  the  British 
provinces,  the  remaining  portions  of  the  Louisiana 
purchase,  must  be  won  for  slavery,  or  the  slave- 
baron  could  no  longer  crack  his  whip  in  the  halls 
of  the  capitol  in  defiance  of  northern  sentiment  and 
"  sentimentality." 

Cass  lamented  the  reopening  of  the  slavery  con 
test  by  this  bill.  He  regretted  that  it  should  be 
necessary  to  reconsider  a  compromise  of  over  thirty 
years'  standing ;  but  he  admitted  that  the  line  of 
demarcation  was  inconsistent  with  the  theory  of 
non-intervention,  and  he  believed  that  the  complete 
recognition  of  that  theory  was  the  only  means  of 
obtaining  peace.  He  therefore  announced  his  ad 
herence  to  the  bill.  He  did  not  believe  that  the 
South  would  gain  anything  by  the  equality  she  de 
manded,  for  he  trusted  that  the  region  in  dispute 
was  so  ill  adapted  to  slave  labor  that  no  human 
power  could  ever  establish  it  there.  Borrowing  the 
famous  words  of  Webster,  he  exclaimed,  "  It  is  ex 
cluded  by  law,  superior  to  that  which  admits  it  else 
where,  —  the  law  of  nature,  of  physical  geography, 
the  law  of  the  formation  of  the  earth.  That  law 
settles  forever,  with  a  strength  beyond  all  terms  of 
human  enactment,  that  slavery  cannot  exist  there." 
Curiously  enough,  the  eloquent  historian  of  our 
civil  war,  Dr.  Draper,  propounded  the  same  opinion 
as  late  as  1867 ; l  but  the  learned  advocate  of  the 
control  of  nature  over  man  hit  upon  an  unfortunate 
example.  The  Great  American  Desert  has  bloomed 

1  History  of  American  Civil  War,  vol.  i.  p.  411. 


292  LEWIS   CASS. 

as  if  touched  with  the  wand  of  Ceres  herself,  and 
the  skill  of  man,  by  upturning  the  soil,  has  brought 
rain  from  the  clouds ;  the  dry  plains  of  Kansas  and 
Nebraska  are  dry  no  longer,  and  the  rough  buffalo 
grass  and  cactus  have  given  place  to  more  useful 
and  luxuriant  crops.  It  is  fortunate  that  the 
American  people  were  not  willing  to  trust  to  the 
apparent  infertility  of  their  wild  lands,  but  aroused 
themselves  to  active  opposition.  For  the  South 
was  determined  that  at  least  one  more  slave  State 
should  be  added  to  the  list.  The  passage  of  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  bill  was  the  beginning  of  the  end. 
The  advice  of  Seward  had  been  neglected.  The 
slave  States,  ignorant  of  their  own  inherent  weak 
ness,  madly  began  a  struggle  for  equality,  demand 
ing  an  opportunity  for  the  contest. 

President  Pierce  signed  the  measure  May  30, 
1854.  The  day  of  compromise  was  past.  They  who 
had  boasted  of  final  adjustment  by  the  compromise 
of  1850  now  disregarded  one  which  had  been  con 
sidered  inviolable.  The  basis  was  non-interference. 
Freedom  must  be  attained,  not  by  "  bargains  of 
equivocal  prudence,"  but  by  fair  legislation,  by  the 
vigor  of  free  labor  and  free  thought,  now  by  south 
ern  folly  given  fair  play  without  let  or  hindrance. 
The  shifting  sands  of  compromise  were  gone. 
"This  seems  to  me,"  exclaimed  Seward,  "auspi 
cious  of  better  days  and  better  and  wiser  legislation. 
Through  all  the  darkness  and  gloom  of  the  present 
hour  bright  stars  are  breaking,  that  inspire  me 
with  hope  and  excite  me  to  perseverance."  Cass 


REPEAL   OF  THE  MISSOURI  COMPROMISE.     293 

did  not  see  so  clearly  nor  feel  so  deeply  as  the  men 
of  the  new  generation.  His  companions  in  thought 
had  gone,  and  he  lingered  still,  one  of  the  old 
school  who  had  loved  the  Union  with  a  tenderness 
and  loyalty  which  could  be  known  only  by  those 
who  had  seen  it  rise  and  prosper,  and  who  had 
helped  make  it  what  it  was.  He  hoped  and  be 
lieved  that  his  doctrine  of  non-intervention  would 
preserve  the  Territories  for  freedom.  The  violence, 
the  greed,  the  stern  resolve  of  the  leaders  of  the 
new  South  appeared  as  dire  portents  to  Seward,  to 
Chase,  to  Sumner ;  but  they  were  hidden  from  the 
patriarch  of  a  generation  whose  memories  recalled 
southern  hospitality  and  true  chivalry,  when  as  yet 
embittering  topics  had  not  arisen. 

His  opinions  are  well  expressed  in  a  letter  writ 
ten  to  a  friend  in  Detroit,  June  4th :  "  As  you  are 
aware  we  have  passed  the  Nebraska  bill.  I  believe 
it  was  a  wise  measure,  and  that  it  will  have  the 
effect  of  forever  withdrawing  the  slavery  contest 
from  Congress.  And  it  is  founded  on  the  true 
American  principle  of  allowing  every  political 
community  tor  regulate  its  own  domestic  concerns 
for  itself.  I  am  aware  that  the  measure  has  ex 
cited  a  good  deal  of  opposition  in  our  State,  but  I 
believe  that  the  more  it  is  examined  and  becomes 
known,  the  more  favor  it  will  meet  from  reasonable 
men  of  both  parties."  l 

The  repeal  of  the  Missouri  compromise  came 
like  a  whirlwind  upon  the  people  of  the  North.  At 

1  Letter  to  Mr.  J.  H.  Cleveland,  Detroit. 


294  LEWIS   CASS. 

a  time  when  the  Federal  Government  was  giving 
itself  up  to  the  demands  of  slavery,  the  sentiment 
of  liberty  was  growing.  The  Democratic  party  had 
surrendered  to  the  South,  but  it  was  called  to  reckon 
with  true  democracy  at  the  North.  Many  who  had 
not  been  aroused  hitherto  now  shouted  for  the 
sacredness  of  the  bargain  of  1820.  The  awaited 
shock  had  come.  Indignant  Democrats  who  had 
voted  for  Pierce  in  1852,  thinking  that  the  last 
word  had  been  said  for  slavery,  joined  with  Whigs 
who  were  half  gleeful  that  their  boastful  old-time 
enemies  had  not  found  such  easy  sailing,  and  half 
angry  that  the  compromise  of  their  own  chieftain 
had  been  abandoned.  Crystallization  into  a  new 
party  came  at  once.  Emigrant  aid  societies  and 
private  benevolence  armed  the  sturdy  New  Eng- 
lander  and  hurried  him  off  to  the  new  territory  to 
hold  the  doubtful  ground  for  liberty  with  the  rifle. 
Earnest  men  in  all  the  North,  startled  by  seeing 
the  last  barrier  broken,  demanded  an  end  of  irreso 
lution  and  trifling.  The  Whigs  and  the  Democrats 
who  were  provoked  to  opposition  wasted  too  much 
time  and  thought  on  "  breach  of  faith,"  and  la 
mented  with  over-much  sorrow  the  destruction  of  a 
geographical  line,  which  had  been  for  many  years 
the  bane  of  our  politics.  Such  persons,  however, 
were  soon  found  hand  in  glove  with  the  Free-Soilers, 
who  saw  in  the  obnoxious  measure  only  an  instance 
of  the  perfidy  of  slavery  and  the  folly  of  compro 
mises  and  bargains  with  sin. 

The  Republican  party  was  born  in  the  North- 


THE  NORTHWEST  FORMS  A  NEW  PARTY.    295 

west.  It  breathed  its  early  life  in  that  virile  re 
gion  which  had  never  felt  the  enervating  influence 
of  colonialism,  in  a  section  which  was  now  filled 
with  the  power  of  a  highly  developed  and  organ 
ized  society,  and  yet  had  not  lost  the  zeal,  vitality, 
and  energy  of  a  primitive  and  newly  settled  coun 
try.  Men  of  the  young  West  easily  free  them 
selves  from  associations  of  party  and  leave  the 
shallow  ruts  of  custom.  They  do  not  know  the 
burdening  weight  of  tradition  and  inheritance,  and 
they  readily  think  for  themselves  and  act  as  they 
think.  The  pioneer  who  has  wrought  his  own 
work  and  fought  his  own  fight  has  no  respect  for 
prescription,  and  bases  superiority  on  skill  and 
endurance.  Yet  side  by  side  with  this  marked 
individualism  and  independence,  there  is  a  generous 
altruism  and  a  comprehension  of  society.  Lessons 
are  learned  from  nature.  Her  breadth  and  lib 
erality  do  not  teach  the  settler  selfishness.  He  may 
lose  opportunities  for  refinement  and  culture,  but 
his  views  are  not  limited  to  a  narrow  horizon. 
These  characteristics  display  themselves  variously ; 
there  is  a  deep,  broad,  and  fervent  love  of  country, 
an  admiration  of  her  greatness  and  an  appreciation 
of  her  manifest  destiny.  Geography  teaches  patri 
otism.  "  Vast  prairies  covered  by  the  unbroken 
dome  of  the  sky,  and  navigable  rivers  all  converg 
ing  to  a  common  trunk,  perpetually  suggest  to  him 
Unionism." l  He  is  proud  of  the  mightiness  of  the 
Eepublic.  Without  acute  susceptibility  to  criti- 

1  Draper's  History  of  the  American  Civil  War,  vol.  i.  p.  412. 


296  LEWIS   CASS. 

cism,  he  delights  in  praise  of  the  grandeur  and 
glory  of  his  country.  "The  true  American  is 
found  in  the  Great  Valley."  Naturally,  therefore, 
in  1854,  old  party  trammels  were  soonest  cast  aside 
by  the  people  of  the  Northwest.  They  most  read 
ily  bent  to  the  task  of  forming  a  party  upon  the 
corner-stone  of  unionism  and  freedom,  a  party  op 
posed  to  state  sovereignty  and  to  a  sectional  con 
stitutional  interpretation  which  would  shield  wrong. 
They  gave  their  strength  to  the  party  which  advo 
cated  nationalism.  From  1854  until  the  close  of 
the  civil  war,  the  upper  part  of  the  Great  Valley 
was  the  centre  of  loyalty  arid  Kepublicanism.  Here 
was  the  early  home  of  the  new  union-anti-slavery 
party,  and  it  has  never  yet  wandered  far  from  its 
birthplace ;  every  one  of  its  successful  candidates 
for  the  presidency  has  come  from  the  Old  North 
west,  and  all  its  nominees,  save  one,  have  been  west 
ern  men. 

In  addition  to  this  natural  tendency,  there  were 
two  other  reasons  for  the  appearance  of  the  Repub 
lican  party  in  the  West,  before  the  East  was  ready 
to  break  old  party  lines.  The  South  long  counted 
on  the  influence  of  commercial  conservatism  in  the 
North,  and  it  cannot  be  denied  that  this  operated 
much  more  strongly  in  the  mercantile  centres  of 
the  East  than  in  the  farming  West,  which  had  few 
commercial  relations  with  the  cotton  States.  The 
second  reason  was  an  equally  potent  one.  The 
Northwest  was  honeycombed  by  the  underground 
railroad.  The  fugitives  from  service  found  their 


THE  NORTHWEST  FORMS  A  NEW  PARTY.     297 

way  to  Canada  by  the  shortest  road,  and  the  slave 
chase  awakened  northwestern  resentment. 

Upon  the  passage  of  the  Nebraska  bill  there 
came  a  demand  for  a  new  party.  Men  who  had 
never  voted  a  Free-Soil  ticket  now  avowed  their 
willingness  to  support  any  candidate  on  a  sound 
anti-slavery  platform.  The  East,  with  its  usual  con 
servatism,  hesitated  to  break  old  ties  and  to  launch 
a  new  party  without  prestige  and  traditions.  Pos 
sibly  the  very  first  active  suggestion  of  the  new 
party  came  from  the  little  town  of  Ripon,  Wiscon 
sin.  There,  in  February,  1854,  while  the  obnox 
ious  act  was  under  discussion  in  Congress,  a  local 
meeting  was  held,  and  the  principles  for  the  coming 
emergency  were  considered.  On  March  20th,  in  a 
town  meeting,  the  committees  of  the  Whig  and 
Free  -  Soil  parties  were  dissolved  and  a  new  com 
mittee  was  chosen,  composed  of  three  Whigs,  one 
Free-Soiler,  and  one  Democrat.  Thus  in  miniature 
were  the  dissolution  of  the  old  and  the  formation 
of  the  new  faithfully  typified.  The  "  solitary  tal 
low  candle  "  and  the  "  little  white  schoolhouse  " 
have  become  immortal  in  our  history.  In  May, 
immediately  after  the  passage  of  the  Kansas-Ne 
braska  bill,  some  thirty  congressmen  at  Washing 
ton  met  and  considered  the  formation  of  the 
"  [Republican  "  party. 

By  that  time  the  name  was  in  the  air.  It  was  a 
question  as  to  where  and  by  whom  it  should  be 
adopted.  Horace  Greeley,  who  had  fought  so  val 
iantly  against  slavery,  was  getting  disheartened. 


298  LEWIS   CASS. 

"  I  faintly  hope  the  time  has  come  predicted  by 
Dan  Webster  when  he  said :  ' 1  think  there  will  be 
a  North.' '  The  veterans  of  the  East  listened  to 
calls  from  the  excited  Northwest.  Editors  "  can 
direct  and  animate  a  healthy  public  indignation, 
but  not  create  a  soul  beneath  the  ribs  of  Death."  * 
Greeley  wrote  to  Jacob  M.  Howard  of  Michigan, 
that  Wisconsin  on  July  13th  would  adopt  the  name 
Republican,  and  he  advised  Michigan  to  anticipate 
such  action  in  the  convention  summoned  for  the 
6th.2  But  no  such  advice  was  needed ;  the  work 
of  arousing  interest  in  such  a  plan  was  already 
begun,  and  to  Michigan  belongs  the  honor  of  really 
conceiving  and  christening  the  Republican  party. 
The  "  Detroit  Tribune,"  June  2d,  formulated  its 
proposition  frankly  :  "  Our  proposition  is  that  a  con 
vention  be  called,  irrespective  of  party  organiza 
tion,  for  the  purpose  of  agreeing  upon  some  plan 
of  action  that  shall  combine  the  whole  anti-slavery 
sentiment  of  the  State  upon  one  ticket."  The 
"  call "  published  in  that  paper,  said  to  be  the  work 
of  Isaac  P.  Christiancy,  began  with  the  words, 
"  A  great  wrong  has  been  perpetrated."  It  invited 
all,  "  without  reference  to  former  political  associa 
tions,  who  think  the  time  has  arrived  for  Union 
at  the  North  to  protect  liberty  from  being  over 
thrown  and  downtrodden,  to  assemble  in  mass 
convention,  Thursday  the  sixth  of  July  next,  at 

1  Greeley,  quoted  in  Fowler's  History  of  the  Eepublican  Party, 
p.  163. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  173. 


THE  NORTHWEST  FORMS  A  NEW  PARTY.     299 

one  o'clock,  at  Jackson,  there  to  take  such  meas 
ures  as  shall  be  thought  best  to  concentrate  the 
popular  sentiment  of  this  State  against  the  en 
croachments  of  the  slave  power." 

On  that  date,  July  6, 1854,  the  Whigs  and  Free- 
Soilers,  or  the  "  Free  Democracy "  of  Michigan, 
met  and  formed  a  single  party.  The  name  Repub- 
lican  was  adopted.  A  powerful  platform,  attrib 
uted  to  Jacob  M.  Howard,  was  accepted  as  the 
basis  of  the  new  party.  It  resolved  "That  in 
view  of  the  necessity  of  battling  for  the  first  prin 
ciples  of  republican  government  and  against  the 
schemes  of  aristocracy,  the  most  revolting  and 
oppressive  with  which  the  world  was  ever  cursed 
or  man  debased,  we  will  cooperate  and  be  known 
as  Republicans  until  the  contest  be  terminated." 
The  strength  of  the  new  party  was  at  once  great. 
Wisconsin  took  the  same  position  the  next  week. 
In  the  East  the  Whigs,  as  a  rule,  maintained  their 
organization.  The  Northwest  was  on  its  feet  and 
equipped  for  battle. 

Under  these  circumstances  General  Cass  had  a 
hard  campaign  in  Michigan.  The  theory  of  "  squat 
ter  sovereignty,"  which  he  first  had  amply  un 
folded  to  the  world,  was  now  made  applicable  to 
nearly  all  the  Territories ;  but  his  own  State  had 
inaugurated  an  attack  upon  the  doctrine,  and  in 
his  own  city  strong  men  were  loathing  it.  He 
spoke  at  length  before  the  Democratic  convention 
of  Michigan  in  September,  and  took  an  active 
part  in  the  campaign,  ably  defending  his  theory  of 


300  LEWIS    CASS. 

the  Constitution  and  the  incompetence  of  Congress 
in  territorial  government.  In  the  course  of  his 
speech  before  the  convention  he  denounced  slavery 
as  a  great  social  and  political  evil,  asserted  that  he 
had  said  the  same  thing  more  than  once  in  the 
Senate,  and  that  he  never  entertained  any  other 
opinion  regarding  it.  His  whole  career  attests  the 
truth  of  this.  But  the  slaveholders,  now  keenly 
sensitive  to  unkind  allusions,  resented  such  un 
pleasant  truths.  The  South  fondly  nursed  the 
viper  which  was  poisoning  its  life.  The  "  Rich 
mond  Enquirer  "  arraigned  Cass  before  the  bar  of 
popular  judgment :  "  If  this  language  be  correctly 
given  in  the  report  of  his  speech,  he  has  severed 
the  last  cord  which  bound  him  to  the  Democracy 
of  the  South."  Cass  had  tried  to  do  "  justice  "  to 
both  sections,  and  had  fallen  into  disrepute  with 
each.  It  is  pathetic  to  see  him  left  naked  to  his 
enemies  after  all  his  zealous  service  and  honest 
striving  after  duty,  which  in  the  corrupt  currents 
of  the  world  does  not  always  lie  in  the  trimming 
consideration  of  contesting  principles.  The  "  En 
quirer  "  ranked  him  with  those  "  illustrious  apos 
tates,"  Benton  and  Van  Buren,  "  in  the  limbo  of 
lost  and  dishonored  politicians,"  —  a  trio,  one 
would  think,  of  no  mean  proportions.  On  Novem 
ber  4th,  in  a  "grand  rally  "  at  Detroit,  Cass  elab 
orately  defended  his  spoiled  child,  "  squatter  sov 
ereignty."  He  took  leave  of  the  South,  but  avowed 
his  purpose  manfully  to  defend  its  constitutional 
rights.  He  pleaded  with  friends  of  the  Union  to 


THE  NORTHWEST  FORMS  A  NEW  PARTY.    301 

be  moderate  and  forbearing,  so  far  as  mere  per 
sonal  interests  were  concerned,  but  counseled  that 
they  be  vigilant  for  the  maintenance  of  justice  and 
law.  It  was  an  able  and  noble  speech.  This  man, 
who  has  been  accused  of  vacillation  and  skillful 
legerdemain  in  politics,  knew  how  to  cling  amid 
the  abuse  of  foes,  and  of  old-time  friends,  to  a  posi 
tion  which  he  thought  right.  The  spirit  of  Henry 
Clay  and  of  the  past  generation  permeated  the 
speech  of  the  4th  of  November.  It  contained  the 
old  calmness,  the  fairness,  and  the  judicial  blind 
ness  which  would  not  and  could  not  see  that  moral 
enthusiasm  was  awakened,  and  that  argument  could 
no  more  lull  it  to  sleep  than  whistling  could  calm 
a  tempest. 

The  result  of  the  elections  showed  the  strength 
of  protest  against  the  violation  of  the  compromise. 
The  Northwest  vigorously  supported  the  new  party. 
Michigan  elected  the  whole  state  ticket,  and  three 
out  of  four  congressmen.  Cass  seemed  ill  requited 
for  his  services  to  the  old  party,  but  a  comparison 
of  the  figures  will  prove  that,  though  his  influence 
had  waned,  it  was  still  of  weight.  Two  of  the 
three  congressmen  elected  in  Wisconsin  were  Re 
publicans.  In  Illinois,  the  Nebraska  and  Douglas 
Democrats  were  18,000  behind  in  the  vote  of  the 
State,  although  two  years  before  Pierce  had  had  a 
clear  majority  of  more  than  5,000  over  Scott  and 
Hale,  the  last  having  received  less  than  10,000 
votes.  Even  in  Indiana  the  Republicans  had  a 
majority  of  some  14,000.  Ohio,  of  course,  came 


302  LEWIS   CASS. 

prominently  forward.  The  old  Western  Reserve 
district  cast  two  Republican  votes  for  every  one 
cast  for  Nebraska  and  "  squatter  sovereignty." 
Maine  was  the  only  one  of  the  Eastern  States  that 
adopted  for  the  campaign  the  new  name  or  elected 
a  Republican  ticket. 

The  different  elements  in  northwestern  life  once 
more  gave  evidence  of  the  power  of  inherited  ideas 
and  prejudices.  The  southern  element,  as  if  in 
obedience  to  the  famous  words  of  King  James's 
charter,  1609,  advanced  into  the  country  on  a  line 
running  "west  and  northwest,"  —  its  presence  is 
evident  in  the  southern  counties  of  Indiana,  —  and 
running  northward  penetrated  as  far  north  as  the 
centre  of  Illinois.  In  the  northern  tier  of  coun 
ties,  which  were  settled  from  New  York  and  New 
England,  the  Republican  vote  was  8,372,  and  the 
Nebraska  vote  2,776 ;  in  the  ninth  district,  in 
the  southern  point,  2,911  votes  were  cast  for  the 
Republican  candidate,  and  8,498  for  the  Demo 
cratic.  Possibly  the  most  characteristic  and  star 
tling  exception,  which  proved  the  rule,  was  the  vote 
of  Madison  County,  the  former  home  of  Edward 
Coles,  who  moved  from  Virginia  to  Illinois  to  free 
his  slaves,  and  left  the  impress  of  his  character  on 
the  surrounding  country.  Madison  County  cast 
2,220  Republican  baUots,  and  but  393  "for  Ne 
braska." 

The  great  danger  to  the  Republican  party  seemed 
to  be  the  American  party,  —  a  sub  rosa  organiza 
tion,  which  attempted  to  substitute  another  question 


THE  NORTHWEST  FORMS  A  NEW  PARTY.    303 

for  the  slavery  question,  and  to  excite  the  people 
by  holding  up  the  spectre  of  Rome  and  the  tyranny 
of  Catholicism.  This  party  was  not  built  on  the 
broad  foundation  of  the  necessity  of  preserving  a 
pure  ballot  and  free  government  by  maintaining 
sound  American  doctrine  and  insisting  upon  good 
American  intelligence  as  a  basis  for  suffrage. 
Its  platform  was  not  so  much  its  oft  -  repeated 
"  America  for  Americans,"  as  it  was  America  for 
Protestants,  and  anything  to  avoid  a  decision  on 
the  real  problems  of  the  day.  Its  secret  organ 
ization  was  at  once  an  insult  to  the  people  and  the 
assurance  of  its  failure.  No  "  order "  having  an 
hierarchy  and  degrees,  and  encumbering  a  politi 
cal  topic  with  paraphernalia  and  mystic  symbolism, 
can  rise  to  dignity  in  a  free  country  and  dominate 
a  frank  and  thoughtful  people,  the  very  essence  of 
whose  institutions  is  common  participation,  common 
undertaking,  and  common  judgment.  So  great, 
however,  was  the  desire  of  men  in  those  harrowing 
days  to  avoid  responsibility  that  this  organization 
assumed  alarming  proportions,  and  threatened  the 
success  of  the  party  which  faced  present  realities. 
It  served  a  purpose  quite  different  from  the  one 
hoped  for  or  contemplated.  Whigs  and  Democrats 
too  obstinate  or  proud  to  transfer  their  allegiance 
at  once  to  the  Republicans  took  this  secret  passage, 
and  finally  emerged  thence  into  good  standing  with 
the  anti-slavery  party,  without  the  shame  of  having 
changed  their  coats  in  broad  daylight. 

This  organization  appeared  in  1852.     At  first  it 


304  LEWIS   CASS. 

simply  interrogated  candidates,  but  in  1854  it  mas 
queraded  as  a  political  party,  and  for  a  few  years 
played  its  role  not  without  some  success.  In  some  of 
the  Eastern  States,  especially,  it  held  its  head  high  ; 
and  in  the  border  States  it  long  lingered,  until  west 
ern  Kepublicanism  with  its  sense  of  present  duty, 
sincerity,  and  actuality  shamed  it  out  of  sight.  The 
real  name  adopted  by  these  whispering  politicians 
was  as  silly  as  their  purpose.  "  The  Sons  of  '76, 
or  the  Order  of  the  Star-Spangled  Banner,"  was 
the  title  used  in  its  inner  mysterious  circles.  The 
sobriquet,  "  Know-Nothing,"  arose  from  the  an 
swers  of  its  members,  who  uniformly  replied  "  I 
don't  know  "  to  all  inquiries  as  to  the  name  and  pur 
pose  of  the  organization ;  only  those  who  had  taken 
the  higher  degrees  knew  its  more  serious  intents  or 
how  ambitiously  it  had  been  christened.  No  party 
can  hope  to  succeed  in  the  United  States  which 
has  but  one  aim,  and  that,  too,  not  a  political  one. 
The  success  of  the  Republican  party  has  often 
been  cited  to  disprove  such  a  statement  and  to  fur 
nish  inspiration  for  new  movements.  The  historic 
analogy  is  deceptive.  The  Republican  party,  al 
though  inspired  with  a  truly  moral  purpose,  was  a 
political  party,  with  a  well-known  and  well-defined 
policy  in  affairs  of  state,  and  not  simply  a  combi 
nation  of  enthusiasts  burning  with  zeal  for  the 
realization  of  a  single  idea.  The  Know-Nothing 
party  had  no  political  virility.  "  It  would  seem," 
sneered  Greeley,  "  as  devoid  of  the  elements  of  per- 


THE  NORTHWEST  FORMS  A  NEW  PARTY.     305 

sistence  as   an   anti-cholera   or  an   anti-potato-rot 
party  would  be."  * 

Such  an  unwholesome  fungus  was  specially  ob 
noxious  to  Cass,  who  was  peculiarly  liberal  and 
sympathetic.  He  was  too  much  of  a  scholar  to  be 
a  bigot,  and  too  much  a  man  of  affairs  to  be  a  ped 
ant.  He  lamented  that  such  narrow  and  bitter 
intolerance  could  exist.  "  Mr.  President,"  he  said 
in  the  Senate,  "  strange  doctrines  are  abroad,  and 
strange  organizations  are  employed  to  promulgate 
and  enforce  them.  Our  political  history  contains 
no  such  chapter  in  the  progress  of  our  country  as 
that  which  is  now  opening.  The  grave  questions 
of  constitutionality  and  policy,  which  have  been  so 
long  the  battle-cry  of  parties,  are  contemptuously 
rejected,  and  intolerance,  religious  and  political, 
finds  zealous,  and  it  may  be  they  will  prove  suc 
cessful,  advocates,  in  this  middle  of  the  nineteenth 
century,  boasting  with  much  self-complacency  of  its 
intelligence,  and,  in  this  free  country,  founded 
upon  immigration,  and  grown  powerful  and  pros 
perous  by  toleration.  It  is  a  system  of  proscrip 
tion  which  would  exclude  the  first  general  who  fell 
at  the  head  of  an  organized  American  army  .  .  . 
from  all  political  confidence,  because  he  happened 
to  be.  born  on  the  wrong  side  of  the  Atlantic,  and 
would  exclude,  also,  the  last  surviving  signer  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  from  any  similar 
token  of  regard  because  he  was  a  Catholic,  were 
those  eminent  leaders  in  our  revolutionary  cause 
1  Whig  Almanac,  1855,  p.  23. 


306  LEWIS   CASS. 

now  living  to  witness  this  appeal  to  local  and  secta 
rian  prejudices,"1  This  spirit  of  fanaticism  and 
intolerance  Cass  unfortunately  considered  a  part 
and  parcel  of  that  northern  enthusiasm  which  had 
begotten  the  Republican  party.  He  did  not  see 
that  nativism  was  merely  histrionic.  Hamlet, 
called  to  duty,  feigns  a  silly  madness,  goes  about 
unkempt,  wreaks  in  sudden  wrath  unpremeditated 
vengeance  on  poor  old  Polonius,  arranges  a  pretty 
mimicry  of  the  murder  in  the  garden,  all  to  tickle 
his  imagination,  consume  time,  and  delay  action. 

Resolutions  from  the  legislature  of  Michigan 
were  presented  in  the  Senate,  February  5, 1855,  by 
Mr.  Stuart,  the  colleague  of  General  Cass,  instruct 
ing  these  two  gentlemen,  and  requesting  the  rep 
resentatives,  to  vote  for  an  act  prohibiting  slavery 
in  the  Territories,  and  for  the  repeal  of  the  Fugi 
tive  Slave  law.  Cass  replied  at  length,  refusing  to 
obey  the  dictates  of  a  party  which  had  suddenly 
and,  as  he  believed,  temporarily  become  possessed 
of  the  government  of  the  State.  When  instructed 
before,  he  had  acknowledged  that  such  instructions 
were  valid  "  under  proper  circumstances,"  but  as 
serted  that  there  were  "  limitations  upon  this  exer 
cise."  He  now  thought  these  limitations  in  force. 
He  was  fully  persuaded  that  the  adoption  of  the 
measure  proposed  "  would  be  the  signal  for  the 
breaking  up  of  the  government  and  the  dissolution 
of  the  Confederacy."  Mr.  Stuart  followed  the  ex 
ample  of  his  senior  colleague. 

1  Cong.  Globe,  vol.  xxx.  p.  556. 


THE  NORTHWEST  FORMS  A  NEW  PARTY.     307 

The  South  was  alert  in  many  directions  during 
these  years.  Its  appetite,  only  whetted  by  the 
acquisition  of  Texas  and  the  West,  those  pleasing 
results  of  southern  "  filibustering,"  craved  more 
for  slavery.  Cuba,  almost  touching  Florida,  was 
provokingly  near,  and  the  South  was  tantalized  by 
the  propinquity.  Not  to  speak  of  attempts  at  rob 
bery,  more  than  one  attempt  had  been  made  in  pre 
vious  years  to  secure  the  island  honorably.  In 
1852  England  and  France  suggested  to  the  United 
States  that  the  three  countries  pledge  themselves 
not  to  make  any  effort  to  acquire  Cuba.  Our 
country  refused.  In  August,  1854,  James  Buch 
anan,  J.  Y.  Mason,  and  Pierre  Soule,  ministers 
to  England,  France,  and  Spain,  were  instructed  to 
meet  and  to  adopt  measures  for  perfect  concert  of 
action  directed  to  the  end  of  obtaining  Cuba  from 
Spain.  From  Aix  la  Chapelle,  in  October,  they 
issued  what  is  known  as  the  Ostend  Manifesto. 
After  outlining  how  profitable  and  honorable  a  sale 
of  the  "  fair  isle  "  would  prove  for  Spain,  this  no 
torious  document  pointed  to  the  needs  of  the  United 
States  in  the  premises,  and  contemplated  the  pos 
sible  necessity  of  "  wresting  "  the  treasure  from  its 
owner.  It  was  said  that  we  should  be  "  recreant 
to  our  duty  and  unworthy  of  our  gallant  forefathers, 
and  commit  base  treason  against  our  posterity, 
should  we  permit  Cuba  to  be  Africanized  and  be 
come  a  second  St.  Domingo  with  all  its  attendant 
horrors  to  the  white  race,  and  suffer  the  flames  to 
extend  to  our  own  neighboring  shores,  seriously  to 


308  LEWIS   CASS. 

endanger,  or  actually  to  consume,  the  fair  fabric  of 
our  Union."  This  shameful  proclamation,  charac 
terized  by  the  Kepublican  platform  of  1856  as  "  the 
highwaymen's  plea,  that  might  makes  right,"  was 
at  first  scarcely  credited  in  its  enormity  at  home  or 
abroad.  It  was  not,  however,  discountenanced  by 
the  Pierce  administration.  The  free  American 
Eepublic  held  itself  out  to  the  world  as  the  armed 
champion  of  slavery,  and  acknowledged  its  brutal 
indifference  in  the  face  of  Christendom.  The 
countries  of  Europe,  too  apt  to  hide  larceny  under 
the  cloak  of  diplomacy,  looked  upon  our  avowed 
greed  with  a  sense  of  awe,  surprise,  and  shame  at 
the  inartistic  nudity  of  our  propositions,  not  cov 
ered  even  by  respectable  and  cunning  verbiage. 

Such  schemes  attracted  the  attention  of  Cass. 
He  had  a  never-failing  ambition  for  his  country 
and  a  never-ceasing  suspicion  of  England.  In 
February,  1854,  he  called  the  attention  of  the 
Senate  to  a  speech  delivered  by  Lord  Clarendon, 
in  which  it  was  announced  that  on  questions  of  pol 
icy  the  French  and  English  nations  were  in  entire 
accord  in  every  part  of  the  world.  Cass  then  de 
clared  that  this  meant  opposition  to  our  acquisi 
tion  of  Cuba ;  and,  though  Lord  Clarendon  after 
ward,  in  referring  to  this  statement,  disclaimed  all 
such  agreements  or  intentions,  and  was  said  to  be 
"  the  most  astonished  man  in  Europe  at  General 
Cass's  construction  of  his  speech,"  yet  circumstan 
tial  evidence  strongly  contradicts  his  denial.  Al 
luding  again  in  February,  1855,  to  the  general 


THE  NORTHWEST  FORMS  A  NEW  PARTY.     309 

subject  of  our  foreign  relations,  after  the  issue  of 
the  Ostend  Manifesto,  Cass  in  a  masterly  speech 
resented  the  interference  of  foreign  countries. 
Yet  the  stealing  of  Cuba  he  heartily  condemned : 
"  Such  a  case  of  rapacity  will,  I  trust,  never  stain 
our  annals."  While  condemning  all  allusions  to 
"  filibustering,  and  the  bullying  spirit  of  Demo 
cracy,"  and  while  irritated  by  the  paternal  tone  of 
European  nations,  he  did  not  forget  common  de 
cency  or  advocate  robbery  in  behalf  of  slavery. 

This  buccaneering  spirit,  grown  so  great  by  feed 
ing  on  the  coarse  meat  of  slavery,  manifested  itself 
in  many  ways.  An  attempt  was  made  to  conquer 
and  colonize  Nicaragua  and  to  give  it  up  to  the 
unique  civilization  of  the  South.  The  Democratic 
convention  which  nominated  Buchanan  actually 
proclaimed  that  the  people  of  the  United  States 
could  but  "  sympathize  with  the  efforts  which  are 
being  made  by  the  people  of  Central  America  to 
regenerate  that  portion  of  the  continent  which  cov 
ers  the  passage  across  the  inter-oceanic  isthmus." 
A  belief  in  the  "  positive  goodness  "  of  slavery  had 
made  the  South  mad.  This  "  regenerating  "  pro 
cess  was  unsuccessful.  Moreover,  those  who  had 
longed  for  more  territory  in  the  West  now  asked 
for  more  slaves  to  fill  it.  "  We  are  losing  Kan 
sas,"  said  the  "  Charleston  Standard,"  in  1856, 
"because  we  are  lacking  in  population."  The  only 
remedy  seemed  a  reopening  of  the  traffic  which  had 
been  piracy  for  thirty  years  and  more. 

The  attitude  of  Cass  on  the  questions  of  interna- 


310  LEWIS   CASS, 

tional  concern  from  1850  to  1856  was  not  far  from 
right.  He  made  a  number  of  very  able  speeches, 
all  showing  his  old-time  jealousy  of  interference  by 
foreign  powers.  The  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty  he 
had  accepted  with  the  hope  that  it  would  settle 
some  of  our  difficulties  regarding  Central  America. 
But  when  England,  desiring  a  substantial  footing 
in  that  reentrant  angle  of  our  continent,  began  to 
quibble  and  demur,  he  expressed  his  usual  anti 
pathy  to  what  he  considered  her  ambitious  dupli 
city.  The  last  speeches  of  his  active  life  in  the 
Senate  exhibit  little  decline  in  vigor  of  thought  and 
feeling. 

In  the  mean  time  the  contest  for  the  possession 
of  Kansas  was  waging.  Such  scenes  a  modern 
American  would  wish  to  pass  by  with  averted  eyes. 
Missouri  poured  armed  ruffians  over  the  border  to 
hold  the  Territory  for  slavery,  and  for  some  time 
this  element  seemed  to  have  its  own  way.  A  pro- 
slavery  territorial  government  was  established  early 
in  1855  by  wholesale  fraud  and  intimidation.  A 
series  of  acts  were  passed  which  savored  of  the 
blackest  of  the  early  laws  of  South  Carolina.  Gov 
ernor  Keeder  vetoed  such  bills,  but  they  were 
passed  without  hesitation  over  his  veto.  At  the 
petition  of  the  pro-slavery  men  he  was  removed, 
and  Wilson  Shannon  of  Ohio  was  named  in  his 
stead.  At  the  outset  this  man  apparently  showed 
a  zeal  for  ruffianism  and  barbarity,  and  in  the  end 
was  incompetent.  The  Free-State  men,  in  October, 
1855,  formed  a  constitution  and,  after  the  adoption 


THE  NORTHWEST  FORMS  A  NEW  PARTY.     311 

of  it  by  the  people,  they  applied  for  admittance 
into  the  Union.  In  March,  1856,  the  House  sent 
a  committee,  composed  of  William  A.  Howard  of 
Michigan,  John  Sherman  of  Ohio,  and  Mordecai 
Oliver  of  Missouri,  to  examine  the  proceedings  in 
Kansas.  The  first  two  members  declared  in  their 
report  that  elections  were  carried  by  fraud  and 
violence,  and  that  this  constitution  framed  by  the 
convention  embodied  the  will  of  a  majority  of  the 
people.  A  bill  to  admit  Kansas  under  this  free 
constitution,  at  first  defeated  in  the  House,  was 
afterwards  passed  by  a  majority  of  two.  The  Sen 
ate,  however,  preferred  to  pass  an  act  for  authoriz 
ing  the  formation  of  a  constitution  under  which 
the  Territory  could  be  admitted.  Cass  was  se 
lected  to  propose  the  memorial  of  the  Topeka  legis 
lature  asking  for  the  admittance  of  the  State.  Yet 
he  was  opposed  to  the  recognition  of  an  instrument 
agreed  upon  by  "  one  portion  "  of  the  people.  He 
was  in  favor  of  allowing  the  citizens  of  the  Terri 
tory  to  vote  fairly  upon  the  question ;  but  he  did 
not  approve  of  admitting  the  State  under  the 
Topeka  Free-State  constitution  above  referred  to, 
asserting  that  such  a  course  would  simply  perpetu 
ate  ill  feeling  and  division.  On  May  12  and  13, 
1856,  he  spoke  at  length  on  this  topic,  severely 
arraigning  Seward  and  others  who  tried  to  heap 
upon  the  administration  the  opprobrium  of  the 
anarchy  of  Kansas. 

Sumner  followed  Cass  on  the   19th  and  20th. 
This  famous  speech  reached  the  highest  point  in  the 


312  LEWIS   CASS. 

denunciation  of  slavery  and  its  devotees.  The 
northern  men  with  southern  principles  were  de 
nounced  as  bitterly  as  the  southern  men  with  no 
principles.  Senator  Butler  of  South  Carolina  was 
depicted  as  the  Don  Quixote  of  slavery,  accom 
panied  by  Douglas  as  its  very  Sancho  Panza. 
There  was  no  cowardly  mincing  of  terms,  but  the 
crime  against  Kansas  was  presented  with  all  the 
burning  eloquence  of  this  classicist  among  Ameri 
can  orators.  Because  of  his  tendency  to  load  his 
speech  with  overwrought  and  hyper-cunning  phrases, 
and  to  burden  it  with  historic  allusions  and  Latin 
quotations,  highly  dramatic  passages  sometimes  fell 
flat  before  an  unappreciative  audience.  But  now 
he  was  so  much  in  earnest,  so  bitter  in  his  intensity, 
that  the  galleries  and  the  Senate  listened  with 
breathless  attention  to  his  daring,  scathing  attack, 
and  watched  him  in  bewilderment  as  he  tore  gar 
ment  and  veil  from  the  foul  creature  he  detested. 
He  ended  with  an  appeal  for  the  purity  of  the  bal 
lot  and  protection  against  violence,  that  free  labor 
might  not  be  blasted  by  unwelcome  association 
with  slave  labor.  "In  dutiful  respect  for  the 
early  Fathers,  whose  aspirations  are  now  ignobly 
thwarted;  in  the  name  of  the  Constitution  which 
has  been  outraged,  of  the  laws  trampled  down  — 
of  justice  banished  —  of  humanity  degraded  —  of 
peace  destroyed  —  of  freedom  crushed  to  earth; 
and  in  the  name  of  the  Heavenly  Father,  whose 
service  is  perfect  freedom,  I  make  this  last  appeal." 
When  Sumner  sat  down  Cass  rose.  He  had 


THE  NORTHWEST  FORMS  A  NEW  PARTY.    313 

listened,  he  said,  with  equal  regret  and  surprise  to 
this  speech,  "  the  most  un-American  and  unpatri 
otic  that  ever  grated  on  the  ears  of  the  members  of 
this  high  body."  Douglas  followed  with  a  highly 
personal  and  offensive  speech,  ranting  like  a  com 
mon  scold,  and  storming  about  with  wild  and  un 
couth  gesticulations.  Sumner's  reply  to  these  re 
spondents  so  amply  discloses  his  estimate  of  the 
character  of  each  that  it  merits  passing  attention. 
The  following  reference  to  Cass  shows  the  respect 
of  this  ardent  anti-slavery  man,  and  goes  far  to  dis 
prove  the  groundless  attacks  upon  Cass's  conduct 
and  character  which  became  so  common  at  the 
North  in  the  heat  of  the  slavery  discussion :  "  The 
senator  from  Michigan  knows  full  well  that  no 
thing  can  fall  from  me  which  can  have  anything  but 
kindness  for  him.  He  has  said  on  the  floor  to-day 
that  he  listened  to  my  speech  with  regret.  I  have 
never  avowed  on  this  floor  how  often,  with  my 
heart  brimming  full  of  friendship  for  him,  I  have 
listened  with  regret  to  what  has  fallen  from  his 
lips."  Douglas  was  treated  to  a  castigation,  which 
must  have  made  the  "  Little  Giant "  squirm,  bold 
as  he  was.  "  No  person  with  the  upright  form  of  a 
man  can  be  allowed,  without  violation  of  all  decency, 
to  switch  out  from  his  tongue  the  perpetual  stench 
of  offensive  personality."  These  parallel  passages 
illustrate  the  kindness  felt  for  the  sincere,  earnest, 
scholarly,  mistaken  advocate  of  "  squatter  sover 
eignty,"  and  the  dislike  for  the  younger  advocate 
of  the  same  false  doctrine. 


314  LEWIS   CASS. 

This  speech,  too  caustic  and  trenchant  to  be  re 
ceived  with  calmness  by  southern  members,  was 
ground  for  personal  assault.  Preston  S.  Brooks,  a 
member  of  the  House  from  South  Carolina,  took  it 
upon  himself  to  avenge  the  honor  of  the  South  and 
his  State.  A  day  or  two  after  the  speech  was 
delivered,  he  entered  the  senate  chamber,  and  find 
ing  Mr.  Sumner  at  his  desk  he  brutally  attacked 
him,  striking  him  over  the  head  with  a  heavy 
walking  cane,  and  leaving  him  bruised  and  insen 
sible  on  the  floor.  It  was  years  before  Sumner  re 
covered  his  health  and  strength  sufficiently  to  con 
tinue  his  duties,  and  he  was  never  again  the  same 
man ;  his  physical  vigor  was  permanently  impaired. 
His  empty  chair  long  stood  as  a  mute  appeal  to  the 
thoughtful  lovers  of  justice. 

Cass  was  elected  by  the  Senate  a  member  of  a 
committee  to  investigate  the  circumstances  of  the 
assault.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  he  did  not  find 
words  to  denounce  such  a  shameful  attack  upon 
free  speech.  The  Senate  committee  reported  lack 
of  jurisdiction,  and  the  House  of  Kepresentatives 
was  unable  to  secure  the  necessary  two  thirds  for 
the  expulsion  of  Brooks.  Because  of  the  implied 
censure  in  the  resolutions,  however,  he  resigned, 
and  asserted  that  the  House  had  no  jurisdiction 
over  him.  He  was  quickly  reelected  by  his  district, 
where  he  was  received  with  enthusiasm  and  affec 
tion.  "  Hit  him  again,"  were  the  words  of  admoni 
tion  from  his  constituents,  and  the  southern  papers 
applauded  his  "elegant  and  effectual"  blows. 


THE  NORTHWEST  FORMS  A  NEW  PARTY.     315 

This  assault,  as  much  as  any  other  one  thing1, 
opened  the  eyes  of  the  North  to  the  brutality,  the 
roughness,  and  the  hopeless  vulgarity  of  the  "  di 
vine  institution."  "  There  is  no  denying  the  hu 
miliating  fact,"  said  the  "  Springfield  Republican," 
"  that  this  country  is  under  the  reign  of  ruffianism. 
The  remedy  for  ruffianism  is  in  a  united  North." 
The  disease  begat  the  remedy. 

The  campaign  of  1856  followed  close  upon  these 
exciting  events.  The  Democratic  National  Conven 
tion  met  in  Cincinnati  in  June.  Buchanan  had  the 
lead  from  the  start,  and  was  nominated.  Cass 
received  only  five  votes  on  the  first  ballot,  and  at 
no  time  showed  great  strength,  though  retaining  a 
few  faithful  adherents  to  the  end.  John  C.  Breck- 
inridge  of  Kentucky  was  nominated  as  vice-presi 
dent.  The  convention  adopted  a  platform  on  the 
old  lines,  repudiating  "all  sectional  parties  .  .  . 
whose  avowed  purpose,  if  consummated,  must  end  in 
civil  war  and  disunion."  "  Non-interference  "  was 
once  more  proclaimed  the  sovereign  remedy.  The 
American  party  put  Fillmore  in  nomination,  and  he 
attracted  the  few  Whigs  who  still  answered  to  the 
name.  The  Republicans,  holding  their  first  national 
convention  at  Philadelphia,  selected  as  their  candi 
dates  John  C.  Fremont  of  California  and  William 
L.  Dayton  of  New  Jersey.  The  platform  was  defi 
nite  and  decided.  It  recounted  the  crimes  against 
Kansas,  and  advocated  its  immediate  admission  as 
a  State  under  a  free  constitution ;  it  denied  "  the 
authority  of  Congress,  of  a  territorial  legislature, 


316  LEWIS   CASS. 

of  any  individual  or  association  of  individuals,  to 
give  legal  existence  to  slavery  in  any  Territory  of 
the  United  States,"  and  proclaimed  its  belief  that 
Congress  had  "  sovereign  power  over  the  Territories 
of  the  United  States."  The  issue  between  the  two 
great  parties  was  sharply  drawn.  One  announced 
that  Congress  had  authority  over  the  Territories, 
and  was  in  duty  bound  to  exercise  it  for  the  pre 
vention  of  slavery.  The  other  advocated  the  uni 
form  application  of  the  "  democratic  principle  "  of 
non-interference  in  "  the  organization  of  the  Terri 
tories  and  the  admission  of  new  States." 

The  campaign  was  one  of  the  most  serious,  ear 
nest,  and  enthusiastic  in  our  history.  Fremont, 
because  of  his  romantic  career  and  personal  charms, 
was  easily  converted  into  an  ideal  champion, 
strongly  appealing  to  the  imagination  and  the 
affection  of  the  vigorous  young  party  of  freedom. 
Everywhere  in  the  North  went  up  the  rallying  cry, 
"  Free  soil,  free  speech,  free  men,  and  Fremont." 
The  times  were  not  yet  ripe  for  complete  success. 
The  Democratic  party  gained  the  day,  carrying 
every  Southern  State  save  Maryland,  which  gave 
itself  up  to  Know-Nothingism.  But  such  a  victory 
was  the  victory  of  Pyrrhus.  The  Republicans  cast 
more  votes  in  the  free  States  than  did  the  Demo 
crats.  In  the  East  only  Pennsylvania  and  New 
Jersey,  in  the  West  only  Illinois,  Indiana,  and 
California  cast  their  electoral  votes  for  the  Demo 
cratic  candidate.  In  the  first  of  these  alone,  Buch 
anan's  own  State,  did  the  Democrats  outnumber 


THE  NORTHWEST  FORMS  A  NEW  PARTY.    317 

the  Republicans  and  Know-Nothings  combined. 
The  "  sectional  party "  exhibited  a  wonderful 
vigor.  The  threat  was  often  heard  in  the  campaign 
that  its  success  meant  the  separation  of  the  Union. 
From  the  time  of  this  election  that  was  a  standing 
menace. 

It  was  a  source  of  regret  to  Cass  that  a  party 
with  a  "  sectional "  aim  should  find  support  in  the 
country.  For  above  all  else  he  loved  the  Union, 
and  he  hoped  against  hope  that  harmony  would  be 
restored  by  the  old  sedatives  with  which  he  was 
familiar.  Michigan,  so  long  faithful  to  him,  now 
gave  Fremont  a  popular  plurality  of  nearly  twenty 
thousand,  and  elected  a  legislature  with  an  over 
whelming  Republican  majority.  January  10, 1857, 
Zachariah  Chandler  was  elected  to  succeed  the 
great  advocate  of  popular  sovereignty,  whose  doc 
trine  his  own  State  now  so  vehemently  condemned. 
Of  106  votes  cast  by  both  houses  of  the  legisla 
ture,  Cass  received  only  16.  His  defeat  was  a 
great  triumph  for  the  Republicans  of  the  nation. 
Though  they  had  failed  to  elect  their  "  Pathfinder" 
president,  they  felt  as  if  the  signal  rebuke  admin 
istered  by  Michigan  was  equivalent  to  a  victory. 

Meanwhile  matters  were  in  a  woeful  condition  in 
stricken  Kansas.  Governor  Shannon  had  resigned 
in  despair,  feeling,  as  he  afterwards  expressed  it, 
as  if  one  might  as  well  attempt  "  to  govern  the 
Devil  in  hell "  as  to  govern  Kansas.  John  W. 
Geary  of  Pennsylvania  succeeded  to  the  trust. 
The  Territory  was  literally  in  a  state  of  war. 


318  LEWIS   CASS. 

While  the  marching  and  counter-marching  of  elec 
tion  parades  were  exciting  the  enthusiasm  of  the 
people  of  the  States,  men  in  the  harassed  Territory 
carried  the  rifle  instead  of  the  campaign  torch,  and 
filled  their  pouches  with  powder  and  shot  as  the 
most  eloquent  campaign  arguments.  Before  the 
opening  of  the  new  year  the  fighting  seemed  to 
have  ceased,  though  each  party  held  its  breath 
expectantly.  The  Free -State  government  still 
claimed  legal  and  effective  existence,  while  the  ter 
ritorial  legislature,  described  as  a  "  vulgar,  illit 
erate,  hiccoughing  rout,"  plotted  and  planned  for 
slavery.  Governor  Geary,  suspecting  the  sincerity 
of  the  administration,  and  perceiving  that  the  elec 
tion  of  Buchanan  meant  a  victory  for  pro-slavery 
partisanship  in  Kansas,  resigned  March  4,  1857. 
The  history  of  the  remaining  months  of  the  year 
is  quickly  told.  Robert  J.  Walker  of  Mississippi, 
appointed  to  succeed  Governor  Geary,  prevailed 
upon  the  Free-State  men  to  cease  dallying  longer 
with  their  mythical  state  constitution,  and  to  join 
in  the  territorial  elections  of  the  autumn.  As  a 
consequence,  these  resulted  in  the  choice  of  a  Free- 
State  legislature.  In  the  mean  time,  however,  a 
convention  summoned  by  the  old  pro-slavery  legis 
lature  had  met  at  Lecompton  and  adopted  a  con 
stitution  recognizing  slavery.  It  was  submitted  to 
the  people  ;  but  instead  of  being  allowed  to  cast  a 
ballot  either  for  or  against  the  constitution,  they 
were  compelled  to  choose  between  adopting  it  "  with 
slavery"  or  "without  slavery."  The  Free-State 


THE  NORTHWEST  FORMS  A  NEW  PARTY.     319 

men  refused  to  vote,  and  it  consequently  received 
a  great  majority  of  the  ballots  cast.  The  Lecomp- 
ton  constitution,  thus  adopted  by  the  pro-slavery 
voters  of  the  Territory,  was  accepted  by  the  Presi 
dent,  and  the  next  year  it  was  actually  recognized 
by  the  Senate,  although  meanwhile,  on  a  fair  bal 
lot,  it  had  been  emphatically  rejected  by  the  peo 
ple.  By  the  early  part  of  1858  the  pro-slavery 
party  was  so  hopelessly  in  the  minority  that  the 
only  question  was  whether  Kansas  should  be  ad 
mitted  as  a  free  State  or  barred  out  entirely.  In 
fact,  not  until  the  withdrawal  of  the  southern  sen 
ators,  after  the  election  of  Lincoln,  did  the  Senate 
consent  to  its  admission  with  a  constitution  forbid 
ding  slavery. 

The  Kansas  trouble  is  a  long  and  bloody  disser 
tation  on  the  theme  of  popular  sovereignty.  The 
immigrants  from  the  free  States  had  won  the  day 
against  slavery.  Kansas  was  saved,  not  by  the 
Eepublican  party,  nor  by  the  abolitionists,  who 
talked  and  agitated,  but  by  the  men  who  went  to 
the  spot  to  express  their  "  sovereignty "  and  to 
fight  for  freedom.  It  must  be  confessed  that,  as 
far  as  saving  the  Territories  from  becoming  slave 
States  is  concerned,  popular  sovereignty  had  not 
been  unsuccessful.  But  no  one  cared  to  see  again 
the  disgraceful  scramble  and  the  rough-and-tumble 
contest  for  vantage  ground.  By  the  beginning  of 
Buchanan's  administration  many  Democrats  began 
to  deny  that  the  people  of  a  Territory  had  a  right 
to  regulate  the  subject  of  slavery,  save  by  determin- 


320  LEWIS   CASS. 

ing,  at  the  moment  of  their  entering  the  Union, 
whether  they  should  come  in  as  a  free  or  a  slave 
State.  To  the  people  of  the  South  popular  sover 
eignty  had  become  so  objectionable,  because  of  its 
failure  for  their  purposes,  that  it  was  openly 
spurned,  and  recourse  was  had  to  the  solid  ground 
of  Calhoun's  dogmas:  that  slaves  were  property, 
and  that  the  United  States  government  was  in  duty 
bound  to  protect  such  property  everywhere.  Op 
posed  to  this  was  the  assertion  of  the  Republicans : 
that  slaves  were  not  property  save  by  the  "  muni 
cipal  "  law  of  certain  States ;  that  Congress  could 
not  and  must  not,  by  act  or  omission  to  act,  allow 
the  Territories  of  the  Union  to  be  sullied  by  the 
foot  of  a  slave. 

Buchanan,  in  his  inaugural,  while  reaffirming 
the  right  of  the  people  of  a  Territory  to  decide  for 
themselves  what  their  constitution  should  be,  took 
all  the  pith  and  marrow  from  the  doctrine  of  pop 
ular  sovereignty  by  doubting  their  right  to  such  a 
determination,  except  at  the  time  of  their  forming 
a  state  constitution.  He  humbly  referred  the  mat 
ter,  however,  to  the  Supreme  Court,  of  whose  com 
ing  decision  he  seems  to  have  had  knowledge. 

The  Dred  Scott  decision,  March,  1857,  did  not 
help  matters.  The  solemn  statement,  coming  from 
a  portion  of  a  divided  court,  of  the  great  histori 
cal  falsehood  that  negroes  were  not  and  could  not 
become  citizens ;  the  promulgation  of  an  obiter 
dictum  calculated  to  have  effect  in  the  domain  of 
politics;  the  assertion  that  the  Missouri  compro- 


THE  NORTHWEST  FORMS  A  NEW  PARTY.    321 

mise  was  beyond  the  competence  of  Congress,  that 
slaves  were  property  when  taken  into  the  Territo 
ries,  and  that  all  "  needful  rules  and  regulations  " 
of  Congress  must  respect  the  private  property  of 
the  slave  -  owner,  —  all  this  simply  awakened  the 
Republican  party  to  greater  effort.  Wrong  now 
came  clothed  in  the  ermine  of  justice.  Effort  must 
not  cease  until  the  disgraceful  decision  was  blotted 
from  the  records  of  the  court. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

SECRETARY  OF  STATE.  —  SECESSION.  —  THE  LAST 
YEARS. 

FOR  the  sake  of  as  much  perspicuity  as  limited 
space  would  allow,  the  history  of  "  bleeding  Kan 
sas  "  under  border  ruffians  has  been  thus  briefly 
outlined,  and  the  contest  of  arguments  until  the 
secession  of  the  Southern  States  has  been  suggested 
in  advance.  It  will  now  be  necessary  to  turn  from 
internal  politics  and  the  hurly-burly  of  the  ap 
proaching  "  irrepressible  conflict,"  and  to  look  into 
the  quieter  paths  of  administration  and  diplomacy. 
Cass's  more  active  career  ended  with  the  4th  of 
March,  1857.  He  remained  a  political  mentor  to 
many  in  his  party  and  took  a  sad  interest  in  the 
never-abating  struggle  ;  but  he  was  old,  the  excite 
ment  of  continual  controversy  was  distasteful,  and 
his  new  position  fortunately  gave  him  employment 
for  which  his  experience  and  talents  well  fitted 
him.  He  accepted  the  office  of  secretary  of  state 
from  President  Buchanan,  and  entered  upon  his 
duties  at  once.  His  companions  in  the  Cabinet 
were  Howell  Cobb  of  Georgia,  secretary  of  the 
treasury;  John  B.  Floyd  of  Virginia,  secretary 
of  war;  Isaac  Toucey  of  Connecticut,  secretary 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE.  323 

of  the  navy  ;  Aaron  V.  Brown  of  Tennessee,  post 
master-general ;  Jacob  Thompson  of  Mississippi, 
secretary  of  the  interior ;  and  Jeremiah  S.  Black 
of  Pennsylvania,  attorney-general.  This  Cabinet 
was  an  able  one,  but  its  four  southern  members 
well  indicated  that  the  body  of  the  Democratic 
party  was  in  the  South,  and  that  an  administration 
had  begun  which  would  treat  slavery  with  tender 
ness  and  handle  secession  with  gloves. 

A  number  of  interesting  diplomatic  problems 
were  offered  for  solution  during  the  years  of  Cass's 
secretaryship.  The  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty  pre 
sented  the  usual  amount  of  uncertainty  and  em 
barrassment,  and  an  even  more  serious  cause  of 
disagreement  with  Great  Britain  came  up  for  con 
sideration.  By  a  strange  irony  of  fortune  the  most 
important  correspondence  conducted  by  the  foreign 
office  during  Buchanan's  administration  had  to  do 
with  the  right  of  search  and  with  the  irritating 
claims  put  forth  by  Great  Britain  of  a  right  to  ex 
amine  our  vessels  to  determine  whether  they  were 
slavers.  In  the  celebrated  controversy  between 
Mr.  Webster  and  Mr.  Cass  in  1842-43,  the  latter 
had  contended  that  our  government  should  have 
stipulated  or  at  least  vigorously  asserted  that  such 
aggressions  were  illegal  and  must  be  stopped.  In 
the  letters  with  which  he  so  utterly  "  demolished  " 
the  petulant  ex-minister,  Mr.  Webster  declared 
that  such  a  stipulation  was  needless.  Now  the 
question  arose  anew  under  more  unfortunate  cir 
cumstances. 


324  LEWIS   CASS. 

It  could  not  be  denied  that  during  the  years  of 
Buchanan's  administration  the  South  was  hungry 
for  more  slaves.  Its  woeful  defeat  in  the  Territo 
ries,  and  its  continual  failure  to  hold  its  own  in 
wealth  and  population  in  comparison  with  the 
North,  directed  its  eyes  to  the  only  means  of  com 
petition,  the  increase  of  the  dead  weight  of  the 
laboring  population.  In  many  portions  of  the 
South  the  reopening  of  the  slave-trade  was  pub 
licly  advocated.  Governor  Adams  of  South  Caro 
lina,  in  1857,  denounced  the  laws  which  forbade 
the  traffic.  During  the  succeeding  year  the  same 
yearnings  were  exhibited  by  remarks  in  conven 
tions  and  by  paragraphs  in  the  southern  papers. 
The  genial  soil  of  Florida  received  many  new  car 
goes  of  inhabitants,  and  the  vessels  of  the  commer 
cial  North  lent  their  aid  to  the  infamous  trade. 
But  English  cruisers,  altogether  too  zealous  in  ha 
tred  of  the  nefarious  commerce,  appeared  off  the 
coast  of  Cuba  and  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  with 
orders  to  search  merchantmen  suspected  of  carry 
ing  slaves.  However  laudable  the  object,  its  exe 
cution  was  exasperating  as  well  as  absolutely  un 
justifiable.  In  the  spring  of  1858  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  and  neighboring  waters  frequented  by 
American  merchantmen  were  patroled  by  a  police 
force  of  British  cruisers  in  a  manner  calculated  to 
incense  all  sections  of  the  country  and  the  mem 
bers  of  all  political  parties.  American  vessels 
were  searched,  or  "  visited,"  as  the  English  would 
say  in  more  polite  parlance,  with  an  insolence  which 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE.  325 

awakened  the  animosity  of  the  very  haters  of  sla 
very. 

In  April,  1858,  in  response  to  a  call  from  the 
Senate  for  information  concerning  the  slave-trade, 
the  secretaries  of  state  and  of  the  navy  furnished 
dispatches  and  correspondence.  Although  our 
government  professed  becoming  zeal  in  the  matter, 
it  was  evident  that  the  efforts  of  the  British  and 
the  American  cruisers  on  the  coast  of  Africa  were 
not  efficacious.  The  slave-trade  was  flourishing. 
In  May  the  President  responded  to  another  call 
from  the  Senate  for  information  about  search  or 
seizure  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  The  correspondence 
sent  in  by  Secretary  Cass  showed  atrocious  inter 
ference  with  our  commerce  by  English  cruisers ; 
some  of  our  vessels  were  fired  upon,  and  a  number 
searched  after  the  insulting  fashion  which  marked 
so  much  of  our  treatment  from  England  before 
1861.  Warlike  speeches  followed  in  Congress. 
At  the  suggestion  of  Cass,  war  vessels  were  sent 
into  southern  waters,  while  he  prepared  to  contest 
the  case  with  the  English  government  in  diplomatic 
dispatches. 

He  entered  gladly  into  the  controversy,  for  the 
circumstances  seemed  powerfully  to  vindicate  his 
arguments  in  his  correspondence  with  Webster. 
On  April  10th  he  wrote  to  Lord  Napier  an  able 
letter.  He  denied  that  there  was  any  fundamental 
difference  between  "  visit  "  and  "search."  The 
right  to  examine  and  pass  upon  a  vessel's  national 
character  and  identity  he  denied.  "  To  permit  a 


326  LEWIS   CASS. 

foreign  officer  to  board  the  vessel  of  another  power, 
to  assume  command  in  her,  to  call  for  and  examine 
her  papers,  to  pass  judgment  upon  her  character, 
to  decide  the  broad  inquiry,  whether  she  is  navi 
gated  according  to  law,  and  to  send  her  in  at  pleas 
ure  for  trial,  cannot  be  submitted  to  by  any  inde 
pendent  nation  without  dishonor."  l  He  announced 
the  principle,  which  makes  perfectly  clear  and  rea 
sonable  the  distinction  for  which  he  had  always 
contended  between  searching  a  real  and  a  spurious 
American  vessel.  It  had  been  argued  that  if 
American  vessels  could  not  be  visited  and  investi 
gated,  any  foreign  ship,  even  one  belonging  to  a 
nation  which  had  a  treaty  with  England  allowing 
search  for  the  prevention  of  the  slave-trade,  might 
carry  on  such  trade  with  impunity  by  merely  hoist 
ing  the  American  flag.  In  the  following  words 
the  secretary  cleared  the  subject  of  its  fog :  "A 
merchant  vessel  upon  the  high  seas  is  protected  by 
her  national  character.  He  who  forcibly  enters 
her  does  so  upon  his  own  responsibility.  Undoubt 
edly,  if  a  vessel  assume  a  national  character  to 
which  she  is  not  entitled,  and  is  sailing  under  false 
colors,  .she  cannot  be  protected  by  the  assumption 
of  a  nationality  to  which  she  has  no  claim.  As 
the  identity  of  a  person  must  be  determined  by  the 
officer  bearing  a  process  for  his  arrest,  and  deter 
mined  at  the  risk  of  such  officer,  so  must  the  na 
tional  identity  of  a  vessel  be  determined,  at  the 
like  hazard  to  him,  who,  doubting  the  flag  she  dis- 
1  Senate  Documents,  vol.  xii.,  1857-58. 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE.,  327 

plays,  searches  her  to  ascertain  her  true  character. 
There  no  doubt  may  be  circumstances  which  may 
go  far  to  modify  the  complaints  a  nation  would 
have  a  right  to  make  for  such  a  violation  of  its 
sovereignty.  If  the  boarding  officer  had  just 
grounds  for  suspicion,  and  deported  himself  with 
propriety  in  the  performance  of  his  task,  doing  no 
injury,  and  peaceably  retiring  when  satisfied  of  his 
error,  no  nation  would  make  such  an  act  the  sub 
ject  of  serious  reclamation."  This  was  much  the 
same  as  the  logic  of  his  pamphlet  issued  in  1842, 
and  which  had  been  so  unjustly  condemned  as  "  in 
conclusive."  In  fact  it  was  sound,  conclusive,  and 
unanswerable.  From  the  early  years  of  his  gov 
ernorship  Cass  had  pondered  this  subject,  and  he 
was  now  prepared  to  write  the  exhaustive  dispatch 
which  contained  the  thought  of  years  in  its  irre 
futable  arguments.  His  quotations  from  English 
authorities  were  so  appropriate  and  his  reasoning 
so  true  that  the  English  government  had  perforce 
to  abandon  a  claim  which  had  been  a  source  of 
vexation  and  annoyance  since  the  definitive  treaty 
of  1783.  Various  communications  passed  between 
the  two  countries  after  the  writing  of  this  impor 
tant  dispatch  of  April  10th.  Cass  insisted  that 
search  and  visitation  must  cease.  On  June  8th, 
1858,  G.  M.  Dallas,  our  minister  to  the  court  of 
St.  James,  wrote  to  our  foreign  office  the  summary 
of  one  of  the  most  important  interviews  in  the 
diplomatic  history  of  the  United  States. 

Beginning  his   letter    somewhat    disconsolately, 


328  LEWIS  CASS. 

Mr.  Dallas  continued :  "I  had  written  thus  far 
when  I  was  obliged  to  hurry  off  and  keep  an  en 
gagement  to  meet  Lord  Malmesbury  at  his  resi 
dence  in  Whitehall  Gardens  at  twelve  o'clock,  and 
I  returned  after  an  hour's  interview  with  a  result 
little  expected  when  I  went. 

"  Something  within  the  last  twelve  hours  had 
shifted  Jiis  lordship's  mind  to  an  opposite  point  of 
the  compass.  He  talked  a  great  deal  and  I  lis 
tened.  He  was  anxious  to  fix  as  precisely  as  possi 
ble  what  the  American  government  wanted  on  the 
right  of  search,  and  I  said,  in  as  gentle  a  manner 
as  could  be  distinct  :  '  Discontinuance,  nothing 
more,  nothing  less ;  that,  at  all  events,  was  my 
present  aim.  General  Cass  had  the  broad  subject 
between  himself  and  Lord  Napier,  and  I  was  not 
authorized  to  meddle  with  that.'  He  recurred  to 
your  admirable  letter  of  the  10th  of  April  last, 
lying  before  him,  and  read  a  number  of  passages. 
He  expressed  his  entire  assent  with  your  position 
on  international  laws  on  the  illegality  of  visit  or 
search  except  by  conventional  agreement,  and 
seemed  full  of  admiration  for  its  ability.  ...  In 
fine,  we  came  to  an  understanding."  l  A  minute 
of  the  conference,  written  by  Lord  Malmesbury 
himself,  gave  proof  of  the  withdrawal  of  Great 
Britain  from  the  position  she  had  held  so  long  and 
so  provokingly.  "  Her  Majesty's  government  rec 
ognizes  the  principle  of  international  law  as  laid 
down  by  General  Cass  in  his  note  of  the  10th  of 

1  Senate  Docs.  2d  Sess.  35th  Cong.,  vol.  i.  p.  34. 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE.  329 

April."  1  In  his  annual  message  of  December  6, 
1858,  President  Buchanan  said :  "  I  am  gratified 
to  inform  you  that  the  long-pending  controversy 
between  the  two  governments,  in  relation  to  the 
question  of  visitation  and  search,  has  been  ami 
cably  adjusted." 2  During  the  succeeding  year, 
correspondence  was  conducted  between  Secretary 
Cass  and  the  English  and  French  governments, 
which  resulted  in  the  agreement  upon  certain  rules 
and  instructions  to  seamen,  concerning  the  right  of 
visitation.  Singular  enough  does  it  seem  to  see 
the  government  of  Great  Britain  explicitly  telling 
her  naval  officers  that  "  no  merchant  vessel  navi 
gating  the  high  seas  is  subject  to  any  foreign  juris 
diction.  A  vessel  of  war  cannot,  therefore,  visit, 
detain,  or  seize  (except  under  the  treaty)  any  mer 
chant  vessel  not  recognized  as  belonging  to  her  own 
nation."  3  The  commanders  of  her  ships  of  war 
were  instructed  to  treat  vessels  bearing  a  foreign 
flag  with  the  utmost  deference ;  only  under  cases 
of  the  strongest  suspicion  might  they  stop  a  ship 
and  examine  her  papers  for  the  purpose  of  ascer 
taining  her  real  character,  and  then  for  such  con 
duct  an  officer  must  consider  himself  as  possibly 
responsible  for  damages,  inasmuch  as  any  unjusti 
fiable  inquiry  would  be  basis  for  a  claim  for  in 
demnity.4  Our  government  sent  substantially  sim- 

1  Senate  Docs.  2d  Sess.  35th  Cong.,  vol.  i.  p.  35.     See,  also,  pp. 
36-39,  ibid. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  12. 

8  Senate  Docs.  1st  Sess.  36th  Cong.,  p.  78.   The  italics  are  my  own. 
*  Ibid.,  p.  78. 


330  LEWIS   CASS. 

ilar  instructions  to  the  commanders  of  our  African 
fleet.  Because  of  other  exciting  topics,  the  greatness 
of  this  diplomatic  victory  attracted  comparatively 
little  attention.  Yet  it  was  one  of  the  most  just 
and  most  brilliant  triumphs  of  which  to  this  day 
our  diplomacy  can  boast.  The  withdrawal  of  Eng 
land's  claims  to  extra-territorial  jurisdiction  has 
never  been  associated  as  it  should  be  with  the 
name  and  fame  of  Cass,  who  pushed  his  argument 
so  strongly  and  clinched  it  so  effectively.  Unfor 
tunately  for  him  his  distinguished  success  in  this 
business  was  thrown  into  obscurity  by  the  lowering 
clouds  of  secession  and  rebellion,  portentous  of 
the  awful  catastrophe  of  1861. 

Serious  difficulties  with  Mexico  during  Presi 
dent  Buchanan's  administration  also  called  forth 
many  dispatches  from  our  foreign  office,  which  are 
full  of  dignified  American  feeling  and  replete  with 
pithy  maxims  of  sound  international  law.  The  gov 
ernments  of  Mexico  were  at  this  time  turning  on 
their  axes  in  a  series  of  well-executed  revolutions, 
performed  with  such  rapidity  that  our  government 
scarcely  knew  in  whom  to  recognize  the  legitimate 
authority.  General  Cass's  message  to  Mr.  Mc- 
Lane,  minister  resident  to  that  country,  contains  an 
application  of  the  Monroe  doctrine  very  succinctly 
worded :  "  While  we  do  not  deny  the  right  of  any 
other  power  to  carry  on  hostile  operations  against 
Mexico,  for  the  redress  of  its  grievances,  we  firmly 
object  to  its  holding  possession  of  any  part  of  that 
country,  or  endeavoring  by  force  to  control  its 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE.  331 

political  destiny."  Had  it  been  possible  for  our 
government  to  adhere  to  this  policy,  the  interfer 
ence  of  the  French  and  the  unhappy  fate  of  Maxi 
milian  might  have  been  averted. 

The  best  known  and  not  the  least  important  of 
Cass's  dispatches  and  instructions  is  one  sent  by 
him  to  our  various  representatives  in  Europe,  June 
27,  1859,  on  the  outbreak  of  the  Italian  war. 
It  outlined  the  neutral  character  and  policy  of  the 
United  States,  and  denned  our  position  on  the  sub 
ject  of  commercial  blockades  in  such  judicious 
terms  that  his  words  have  since  been  frequently 
quoted  by  writers  on  the  law  of  nations.  But  gen 
eral  rules  in  such  a  matter  are  dangerous.  Only 
two  years  before  the  Rebellion,  when  our  govern 
ment  established  the  most  extensive  commercial 
blockade  ever  made  effective  and  legitimate  in  the 
history  of  the  world,  and  that  too  under  circum 
stances  which  go  far  to  shake  any  a  priori  argu 
ments  concerning  the  right  of  such  action,  our  Sec 
retary  of  State  entered  into  a  long  and  learned 
disquisition,  asserting  the  injustice  of  any  but  very 
limited,  definite,  and  effectual  restrictions  upon 
commercial  intercourse.  This  same  dispatch  con 
tained  a  summary  of  the  attitude  of  the  United 
States  toward  the  treaty  of  Paris  and  the  rights  of 
neutrals. 

While  engaged  in  the  congenial  work  of  diplo 
macy  Cass  could  not  lose  sight  of  the  disturbed 
condition  of  the  country  in  internal  politics.  The 
growth  of  the  Republican  party,  protesting  against 


332  LEWIS   CASS. 

the  Dred  Scott  case  and  the  injustice  to  Kansas, 
seemed  so  perilous  to  the  South  during  the  later 
years  of  Buchanan's  administration,  that  threats 
of  secession  in  case  of  its  final  success  were  made 
with  frankness.  Cass,  more  than  many  of  the 
prominent  men  of  the  time,  saw  and  felt  the  im 
pending  danger.  The  violence  of  political  feeling, 
the  virulence  of  party  action,  the  antipathy  to 
slavery,  and  the  hatred  of  southern  bravado,  which 
no  State  exhibited  better  than  his  own,  affected  the 
old  statesman  with  misgivings,  and  filled  the  last 
days  of  his  active  life  with  acute  grief  and  fore 
boding. 

Singularly  simple  in  its  real  meaning,  the  cam 
paign  of  1860  seems,  at  first  sight,  unusually  intri 
cate  and  complex.  The  Democratic  party  was  split 
into  two  factions.  The  first  was  composed  of 
those  who  were  unwilling  to  give  themselves  up 
entirely  to  southern  dictation,  or  to  turn  their 
backs  on  the  doctrine  of  "  squatter  sovereignty," 
which  had  carried  them  through  the  last  two  elec 
tions  ;  they  clung  to  old  principles,  though  profess 
ing  a  willingness  to  abide  by  the  decisions  of  the 
Supreme  Court.  They  nominated  Stephen  A. 
Douglas  for  president  and  Herschel  Y.  Johnson  of 
Georgia  for  vice-president.  The  southern  wing  of 
the  Democracy,  with  those  northern  men  who  were 
willing  to  accept  the  Dred  Scott  case  and  to  see 
in  it  a  final  decision  establishing  the  legality  of 
slavery  in  the  Territories,  nominated  John  C.  Breck- 
inridge  of  Kentucky  and  Joseph  Lane  of  Oregon. 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE.  333 

A  third  ticket  was  presented  by  a  party  styling 
itself  the  Constitutional  Union  party,  a  mere  re 
miniscence  of  the  days  when  words  were  called 
upon  to  fill  political  chasms  and  to  conceal  facts. 
The  nominees  of  this  party  were  John  Bell  of 
Tennessee  and  Edward  Everett  of  Massachusetts. 
It  stood  for  union  under  the  laws  and  the  Con 
stitution,  which  could  mean  nothing  when  the 
question  was,  "  What  are  the  laws  and  the  Con 
stitution?"  The  Republican  party,  meeting  in 
convention  at  Chicago,  nominated  Abraham  Lincoln 
of  Illinois  and  Hannibal  Hamlin  of  Maine.  Theirs 
was  a  northern  platform,  denouncing  the  spread  of 
slavery  and  denying  the  power  of  Congress  or  of 
any  territorial  legislature  to  legalize  slavery  in  the 
Territories.  The  popular  tactics  of  the  managers 
of  the  party,  and  their  shrewdness  in  appealing  to 
the  enthusiasm  as  well  as  the  moral  motives  of  the 
people,  insured  success  against  the  quarreling  fac 
tions  of  the  enemy.  The  old  Northwest  was  faithful 
to  its  party  and  its  principle,  even  Illinois  giving 
Lincoln  a  clear  majority  over  all  of  nearly  5,000, 
while  Michigan  gave  over  20,000,  and  Ohio  a  plu 
rality  of  nearly  45,000.  The  North  was  solid,  with 
the  exception  of  New  Jersey,  which  was  divided. 
Lincoln  was  elected  by  a  popular  plurality  of 
491,654,  and  by  a  decided  electoral  majority. 

The  Republican  victory  furnished  excuse  for 
putting  into  active  operation  the  plots  for  secession 
which  had  been  long  contemplated  by  the  advanced 
conspirators  of  the  South.  On  November  10th  a 


334  LEWIS   CASS. 

bill  to  raise  and  equip  10,000  volunteers  was  intro 
duced  into  the  legislature  of  South  Carolina,  and 
her  senators  resigned  their  seats  in  Congress.  The 
Gulf  States  fell  into  line  with  some  hesitation, 
while  the  border  States  held  back,  deploring  the 
hasty  action  of  the  more  slave-cursed  States  of  the 
South.  The  Cabinet,  of  which  General  Cass  was 
a  member,  was  the  centre  if  not  the  source  of  the 
conspiracy.  From  it  flowed  suggestion  and  inspi 
ration  for  the  active  agitators  in  the  South ;  into  it 
percolated  all  the  sly  schemes  and  wily  devices  of 
the  crafty  leaders  of  the  Rebellion.  Floyd,  the 
Secretary  of  War,  Thompson,  the  Secretary  of  the 
Interior,  Cobb,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  were 
engaged  in  correspondence  with  the  enemies  of  the 
Union,  furnishing  them  with  munitions  of  war, 
treasonably  using  their  authority  and  the  resources 
of  the  nation,  filling  the  vacillating  mind  of  the 
wavering  President  with  gloomy  fears  and  excuses 
for  delay.  Buchanan,  lacking  the  courage  to  fol 
low  out  any  distinct  line  of  policy,  contented  himself 
with  argument  and  appeal.  The  Assistant  Secre 
tary  of  State  was  an  active  conspirator  for  seces 
sion,  even  before  the  election. 

Cass  himself  held  a  fair  and  consistent  position. 
Lamenting  the  threatened  disruption  of  the  Union, 
he  was  not  ready  to  yield  every  point  for  the  sake 
of  avoiding  trouble.  "  At  a  Cabinet  meeting,  held 
November  9th,  General  Cass  spoke  with  much  ear 
nestness  and  feeling  about  the  impending  crisis, 
admitted  fully  all  the  great  wrongs  and  outrages 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE.  335 

which  had  been  committed  against  the  South  by 
northern  fanaticism,  and  deplored  it.  But  he  was 
emphatic  in  his  condemnation  of  the  doctrine  of 
secession  by  any  State  from  the  Union.  He 
doubted  the  efficacy  of  the  appeal  for  a  convention, 
but  seemed  to  think  it  might  be  well  enough  to  try 
it.  He  spoke  warmly  in  favor  of  using  force  to  co 
erce  a  State  that  attempted  to  secede."  This  is  the 
testimony  of  Secretary  Floyd  himself.  Though  it 
is  doubtful  if  Cass  ever  emphatically  acknowledged 
the  right  to  coerce  a  State  as  such,  his  opinions 
were  substantially  those  here  attributed  to  him. 
He  was  decidedly  for  the  Union.  The  conspiracy 
widened  and  deepened.  The  Secretary  of  War, 
openly  disowning  secession,  covertly  gave  secret  in 
formation  to  the  foes  of  the  government,  who 
knew  before  it  was  transmitted  to  Congress  what 
would  be  the  position  of  the  President  in  his  mes 
sage  to  Congress  in  December. 

General  Cass  seems,  at  least  at  first,  to  have 
acquiesced  in  the  general  tenor  of  the  President's 
message,  so  far  as  the  theoretical  relation  between 
the  national  government  and  the  States  was  con 
cerned.  Secretary  Floyd  tells  us  that  when  por 
tions  of  it  were  first  read  to  the  Cabinet  for  ap 
proval  Cass  heartily  commended  it ;  for  it  then 
inculcated,  it  seems,  submission  to  Lincoln's  elec 
tion,  and  perhaps  even  intimated  the  use  of  force 
to  compel  such  submission.  The  document,  when 
finished,  presented  a  combination  of  power  and 
weakness  in  the  central  government  which  were 


336  LEWIS  CASS. 

conditions  of  complete  inertia.  After  charging  the 
present  unpleasantness  upon  the  sectional  antip 
athy  of  the  North,  the  message  gave  a  detailed 
argument  on  the  subject  of  secession  and  the  pow 
ers  of  the  national  government  —  secession  is  ille 
gal,  the  union  is  by  nature  indissoluble,  but  there 
is  no  power  in  Congress  or  in  any  branch  of  the 
federal  government  to  compel  a  State  to  remain  in 
the  Union ;  it  is  the  duty  of  the  President  to  en 
force  the  laws ;  but,  if  it  is  impracticable  to  do  so 
by  the  ordinary  methods,  as  at  present  in  South 
Carolina,  Congress  should  determine  whether  or 
not  existing  laws  should  be  amended  to  carry  out 
effectually  the  objects  of  the  Constitution ;  amend 
ments  to  the  Constitution  are  advisable.  The  last 
proposition  was  absurd.  The  amendments  sug 
gested  would  have  granted  all  the  South  had  con 
tended  for,  and  would  have  nullified  the  voice  of 
the  people  as  expressed  in  the  last  election. 

The  subtle  principles  of  law  propounded  by  the 
President  were  too  finely  spun  to  be  readily  ac 
cepted  by  the  practical  people  of  the  North.  That 
immaterial  entity,  the  State,  may  be  incapable  of 
coercion,  may  not  be  within  reach  of  the  iron  hand 
of  the  law ;  the  federal  government  under  the  Con 
stitution  may  not  have  been  expressly  given  power 
to  wage  war  upon  a  recalcitrant  State ;  one  of  the 
great  instruments  of  that  great  sovereignty,  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  may  refuse  to  perform 
its  functions ;  but  the  federal  authority  comes  into 
contact  with  individuals,  and  they  can  be  held  to 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE.  337 

their  allegiance ;  the  property  of  the  federal  state 
can  and  must  be  protected,  and  its  laws  must  act 
and  its  writs  must  run  within  the  borders  of  every 
State ;  war  upon  States  is  unnecessary,  for  an  in 
destructible  State,  though  refusing  to  perform  its 
functions,  can  never  cease  to  be  a  member  of  an 
indestructible  Union.  Such  sound,  practical  sense 
soon  found  its  place  in  the  minds  of  the  sobered 
people  of  the  North,  although  not  for  months  were 
they  fully  aroused  to  fight  for  its  logical  conclu 
sions  and  assert  in  arms  that  the  Nation  was  an 
organic  whole.  But  argument  was  unnecessary  and 
entirely  beside  the  mark;  it  was  the  duty  of  the 
executive  to  enforce  the  laws.  Even  Buchanan 
admitted  that  the  central  government  operated 
directly  on  persons.  There  was,  as  yet,  no  practi 
cal  instance  of  secession,  and  if  the  President  had 
held  firmly  in  his  hands  the  reins  of  government, 
quickly  dismissed  the  conspiring  secessionists  from 
his  Cabinet,  used  his  power  as  the  executive  and 
commander-in-chief  to  protect  the  property  and  en 
force  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  there  is  good 
reason  to  think  that  secession  would  have  meant 
less  in  our  history. 

Though  apparently  agreeing  with  the  argument 
of  the  message,  and  believing  that  a  State  could  not 
be  coerced,  Cass  was  not  willing  to  admit  that  the 
federal  government  was  impotent.  At  various 
Cabinet  meetings  he  insisted  that  the  forts  in 
Charleston  harbor  should  be  reinforced,  and  that, 
in  view  of  the  well-known  conspiracy  to  disobey  the 


338  LEWIS   CASS. 

laws,  steps  should  be  taken  to  strengthen  the  hand 
of  the  government  in  the  Southern  States.  On 
December  13th  he  made  a  last  effort  to  convince 
the  President  of  the  necessity  of  such  action,  but 
he  was  rebuffed.  "  These  forts,"  he  said,  "  must 
be  strengthened.  I  demand  it."  "I  am  sorry  to 
differ  from  the  Secretary  of  State,"  the  President 
replied.  "I  have  made  up  my  mind.  The  interests 
of  the  country  do  not  demand  a  reinforcement  of 
the  forces  in  Charleston.  I  cannot  do  it,  and  I 
take  the  responsibility  on  myself."  The  next  day 
General  Cass  handed  in  his  resignation  as  Secre 
tary  of  State.  Mr.  Cobb  had  already  resigned  the 
treasury  portfolio  because  of  what  he  considered 
the  "  paramount "  claims  of  his  State.  The  resig 
nation  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  added  to  the  pre 
vailing  excitement,  was  almost  universally  com 
mended  by  the  papers  of  the  North  that  were  not 
indissolubly  wedded  to  the  inactive  policy  of  the 
administration.  His  house  was  filled  for  the  next 
few  days  with  congratulating  friends,  and  Zach- 
ariah  Chandler  called  to  welcome  him  into  the  fold 
of  the  Republican  party.  The  old  statesman  was 
still  consistent,  however ;  he  was  a  Democrat,  but 
a  Jackson  Democrat. 

The  action  of  General  Cass  has  been  criticised 
by  Buchanan's  apologists  who,  now  that  the  whole 
conspiracy  is  as  clear  as  noonday,  still  claim  that  it 
was  not  the  President's  duty  to  act  until  something 
was  done,  and  until  Congress  gave  further  power. 
That  the  southern  forts  were  in  danger  there  could 


SECESSION.  339 

be  no  doubt;  Buchanan's  message  confessed  that 
South  Carolina  was  on  the  point  of  lawless  disre 
gard  of  the  behests  of  the  central  government ; 
conventions  to  consider  secession  had  been  called 
throughout  the  Southern  States ;  the  Cabinet  itself 
was  in  conspiracy  against  the  government;  the 
very  air  was  heavy  with  threats  of  secession  and 
violence.  Mr.  Buchanan's  most  learned  and  fa 
mous  apologist  has  sneered  at  the  prophetic  saga 
city  of  Cass.  Not  clairvoyance  or  the  spirit  of 
prophecy,  but  decision,  observation,  and  common 
sense  were  the  attributes  of  one  who  saw,  not 
what  might  be,  but  what  was. 

December  20th  Washington  was  electrified  by 
the  announcement  that  South  Carolina  had  at  last 
adopted  an  ordinance  of  secession.  Mr.  Benson  J. 
Lossing,  the  skillful  writer  of  American  history, 
was  at  the  house  of  Cass  when  a  bulletin  telling  of 
this  action  was  received.  "  The  venerable  states 
man  read  the  few  words  that  announced  the  star 
tling  fact,  and  then,  throwing  up  his  hands,  while 
tears  started  from  his  eyes,  he  exclaimed  with  un 
common  unction :  '  Can  it  be  !  can  it  be !  Oh,'  he 
said,  '  I  had  hoped  to  retire  from  the  public  service, 
and  go  home  to  die  with  the  happy  thought,  that  I 
should  leave  to  my  children,  as  an  inheritance  from 
patriotic  men,  a  united  and  prosperous  republic. 
But  it  is  all  over !  This  is  but  the  beginning  of 
the  end.  The  people  in  the  South  are  mad;  the 
people  in  the  North  are  asleep.  The  President  is 
pale  with  fear,  for  his  official  household  is  full  of 


340  LEWIS   CASS. 

traitors,  and  conspirators  control  the  government. 
God  only  knows  what  is  to  be  the  fate  of  my  poor 
country !  to  Him  alone  must  we  look  in  this  hour  of 
thick  darkness.'  "  :  It  will  be  seen,  however,  that 
he  advocated  that  action  be  superadded  to  faith  and 
devotion. 

One  other  topic  remains  to  be  considered  in  con 
nection  with  Cass's  resignation  from  the  Cabinet. 
The  letter,  dated  December  12th,  assigned  as  a  rea 
son  the  President's  refusal  to  reinforce  the  Charles 
ton  forts,  and  his  neglect  to  prepare  for  the  collec 
tion  of  duties  at  that  port.  President  Buchanan 
in  accepting  the  resignation,  without  deigning  to 
argue  the  question,  stated  his  belief  that  reinforce 
ments  at  Charleston  were  unnecessary,  and  ex 
pressed  his  regret  that  anything  should  occur  to 
disturb  the  official  relations  existing  between  him 
and  his  secretary.  From  memoranda  printed  in 
the  "  Life  of  James  Buchanan,"  2  it  appears  that 
Cass  announced  his  purpose  to  resign  as  early  as 
the  llth.  Newspapers  of  the  time  make  it  evident 
that  nearly  a  week  before  the  letter  was  handed  in 
rumors  of  Cass's  resignation  were  rife.  His  with 
drawal  was  received  with  marked  gratification  by 
many,  even  of  those  who  had  not  become  converts 
to  "  black  Republicanism."  In  spite  of  these  facts, 
Buchanan  records  that,  on  December  17th,  Black 
and  Thompson  both  informed  him  that  Cass  desired 
to  withdraw  his  resignation.  It  is  always  hard  to 

1  Pictorial  History  of  the  Civil  War,  Lossing,  vol.  i.  p.  141. 

2  By  George  Ticknor  Curtis. 


SECESSION.  341 

prove  a  negative,  but  direct  and  circumstantial 
evidence  contradicts  this  statement.  In  the  first 
place,  members  of  his  family  who  were  with  him  at 
the  time,  and  were  well  aware  of  his  thoughts  and 
feelings,  positively  deny  the  truth  of  such  asser 
tions.  This  alone  might  be  sufficient.  But,  more 
over,  the  resignation,  as  already  suggested,  was  not 
unpremeditated ;  all  the  world  knew  of  his  emphatic 
disapproval  of  the  President's  negligence  and  timid 
ity,  and  he  found  himself  lionized  and  applauded 
by  nearly  all  save  the  avowed  secessionists.  Even 
the  "Charleston  Mercury"  hastened  to  add  its 
modicum  of  praise  by  styling  him  a  "  hoary  trick 
ster  and  humbug,"  and  comparing  "  his  present 
imbecility  "  with  his  "  past  treachery  to  the  South." 
"  The  past  secretary  will  survive,"  remarked  the 
"New  York  Times,"  with  laconic  sarcasm,  as  it 
quoted  these  expressions  of  southern  rage.  That 
under  such  circumstances  he  should  contemplate 
the  backward  step  of  seeking  reinstatement  is  sim 
ply  incredible  and  ridiculous. 

"  Oh,  for  an  hour  of  Andrew  Jackson,"  sighed 
the  "  Springfield  Republican."  That  was  what  was 
wanted.  With  Jackson  in  the  White  House  and 
Cass  as  Secretary  of  War  the  rebel  armies  would  not 
have  been  equipped  with  governmental  arms  and 
accoutrements.  The  fire  and  vigor  of  "  Old  Hick 
ory  "  had  given  to  Cass  his  first  great  inspiration  in 
national  politics.  All  he  could  do  now  was  to  ad 
minister  a  silent  rebuke  to  timidity  where  hesitation 
and  cowardice  were  crimes.  "  Ain't  it  too  bad,"  said 


342  LEWIS   CASS. 

a  prominent  senator,  "  that  a  man  has  to  break  his 
sword  twice  in  a  lifetime,  at  the  beginning  and  at 
the  end  of  his  eventful  career.  At  the  surrender 
of  Hull  at  Detroit,  Cass  was  so  disgusted  at  the  con 
duct  of  his  commander,  and  at  not  having  a  fight, 
that  he  broke  his  sword.  Now  he  breaks  it  because 
his  chief  won't  fight." l 

The  events  rapidly  following  upon  one  another 
through  the  dreadful  winter  of  1860-61  do  not  form 
part  of  our  story.  The  treachery  of  the  Cabinet, 
the  lethargy  of  the  Executive,  the  confusion  and  dis 
may,  the  low-hanging  clouds  of  war  and  distress, 
the  frenzy  of  the  insane  South  and  its  boastful 
preparations  for  a  grand  confederacy  on  the  corner 
stone  of  slavery,  left  their  sorrowful  shadows  upon 
the  Union-loving  people  of  the  North  and  filled 
with  gloomy  forebodings  the  mind  of  the  old  states 
man  whose  life  had  been  given  to  his  country. 
When  the  bombardment  of  Sumter  thrilled  the 
continent  and  fired  the  popular  heart,  Cass  was 
ready  with  his  word  of  encouragement.  At  an  im 
mense  Union  meeting  in  Detroit,  April  24th,  he 
was  made  chairman  and  delivered  in  a  few  words 
an  eloquent  address.  Cheer  followed  cheer,  as  the 
old  general,  with  dramatic  effect,  thanked  God  that 
the  American  flag  still  floated  over  his  home  and 
his  friends.  "No  American  can  see  its  folds 
spread  out  to  the  breeze  without  feeling  a  thrill  of 
pride  at  his  heart,  and  without  recalling  the  splendid 

1  Quoted  in  Life  and  Public  Services  of  Andrew  Johnson,  by  John 


THE  LAST   YEARS.  343 

deeds  it  has  witnessed.  ...  You  need  no  one  to  tell 
you  what  are  the  dangers  of  your  country,  nor  what 
are  your  duties  to  meet  and  avert  them.  There  is 
but  one  path  for  every  true  man  to  travel,  and  that 
is  broad  and  plain.  It  will  conduct  us,  not  indeed 
without  trials  and  sufferings,  to  peace  and  to  the 
restoration  of  the  Union.  He  who  is  not  for  his 
country  is  against  her.  There  is  no  neutral  posi 
tion  to  be  occupied.  It  is  the  duty  of  all  zealously 
to  support  the  government  in  its  efforts  to  bring 
this  unhappy  civil  war  to  a  speedy  and  satisfactory 
conclusion,  by  the  restoration,  in  its  integrity,  of 
that  great  charter  of  freedom  bequeathed  to  us 
by  Washington  and  his  compatriots."  Sorrowing 
over  his  country  torn  by  civil  war,  the  old  man  was 
not  weakened  by  age  into  imbecile  maunderings 
about  senseless  compromise  ;  by  word  and  example 
he  inspired  the  patriotic  hearts  of  his  fellow  citi 
zens.  If  he  was  occasionally  downcast,  his  desire 
for  union  never  faltered.  Referring  at  one  time  to 
the  bonfires  with  which  New  Hampshire  celebrated 
the  formation  of  the  Republic,  "  I  have  loved  the 
Union,"  he  exclaimed,  "  ever  since  the  light  of 
that  bonfire  greeted  my  eyes.  I  have  given  fifty- 
five  years  of  my  life  and  my  best  efforts  to  its  pres 
ervation.  I  fear  I  am  doomed  to  see  it  perish." 
It  was  such  a  spirit  as  this  which  had  made  him 
the  advocate  of  compromise  and  consideration,  and 
which  now  made  him  zealous  for  force. 

The  last  public  speech  of  General  Cass  was  de 
livered  at  Hillsdale,  Michigan,  August  13,  1862, 


344  LEWIS   CASS. 

at  a  "  war  meeting "  called  for  the  purpose  of 
arousing  enthusiasm  and  raising  volunteers  for  the 
service.  The  address  was  short  and  impressive. 
He  spoke  for  some  twenty  minutes  earnestly  and 
from  the  heart.  He  began  with  a  truthful  refer 
ence  to  his  own  patriotism.  "  I  am  sufficiently 
warned  by  the  advance  of  age  that  I  can  have  but 
little  participation  in  public  affairs,  but  if  time  has 
diminished  my  power  to  be  useful  to  my  country, 
it  has  left  undiminished  the  deep  interest  I  feel  in 
her  destiny,  and  my  love  and  reverence  for  our  glo 
rious  Constitution  which  we  owe  to  the  kindness  of 
Providence  and  to  the  wisdom  of  our  fathers."  The 
whole  speech  breathes  forth  the  broad  sympathy 
and  love  of  Union  which  marked  his  life.  Age 
which  is  proverbially  kind  did  not  bring  with  it 
enervated  principles  and  the  sentimentality  of 
moral  and  mental  languor.  He  referred  to  the 
energy  of  his  own  State  and  praised  the  exertions 
it  was  making  for  the  general  welfare.  He  had 
visited  many  portions  of  it  before  the  Indian  had 
given  way  to  the  industry  and  enterprise  of  the 
white  man.  "  I  have  lived  to  see  it  rivaling  its 
sister  States  in  the  sacred  work  of  defending  the 
Constitution.  And  now  the  course  of  events  has 
rendered  it  necessary  for  the  government  to  appeal 
again  to  the  people.  Additional  troops  are  re 
quired  for  the  speedy  suppression  of  the  Rebellion. 
Patriotism  and  policy  equally  dictate  that  our  force 
should  be  such  as  to  enable  us  to  act  with  vigor 
and  efficiency  against  our  enemies,  and  promptly  to 


THE  LAST  YEARS.  345 

reduce  them  to  unconditional  submission  to  the 
laws."  Of  all  the  statesmen  of  his  generation,  Cass 
has  been  understood  the  least.  In  the  eyes  of 
many,  he  still  appears  as  a  "  Northern  man  with 
Southern  principles,"  a  "  doughface,"  as  false  and 
untrustworthy ;  while  Henry  Clay  and  Daniel  Web 
ster,  whose  aims  were  identical  with  his,  have  de 
fenders  and  apologists  by  the  score ;  while  there 
is  condonation  for  the  rankest  acts  of  the  "  Copper 
heads,"  who  maligned  and  vilified  and  hissed  at 
home  while  our  soldiers  were  fighting  in  the  field ; 
while  men  who  proved  false  to  their  oaths,  and 
gave  their  energies  to  the  destruction  of  their 
country,  are  given  high  offices  of  honor  and  of  pub 
lic  trust. 

One  more  event  of  importance  intruded  itself 
into  the  sadly  quiet  life  of  the  old  statesman. 
Throughout  his  career  he  had  suspected  and  op 
posed  the  cunning  designs  of  England,  had  resented 
her  effrontery,  had  vindicated  our  rights  against 
her.  A  fitting  close  of  a  public  life,  which  had 
been  strangely  consistent  and  direct,  was  an  act  of 
justice  toward  England  in  following  out  the  lines 
of  comity  for  which  he  had  so  often  contended.  In 
the  latter  part  of  1861,  two  commissioners  from 
the  Confederacy,  intended  for  England  and  France, 
were  taken  on  board  the  English  ship  Trent.  An 
American  steamer,  the  San  Jacinto,  stopped  the 
Trent  on  her  voyage,  took  from  her  the  Confeder 
ate  commissioners  and  proceeded  with  them  to  Bos 
ton.  England  claimed  with  justice  that  this  was 


346  LEWIS   CASS. 

a  direct  violation  of  her  sovereignty,  an  insult  for 
which  immediate  atonement  was  demanded.  Our 
government  hesitated.  England  did  not,  but  im 
mediately  made  arrangements  for  war  and  to  mo 
bilize  her  forces ;  issued  a  proclamation  to  prevent 
the  exportation  of  arms  and  ammunition  ;  ordered 
her  minister  at  Washington  to  withdraw  unless  the 
prisoners  were  released  and  our  government  offered 
apology  within  a  few  days.  Flaring  into  unbecom 
ing  wrath,  she  lavished,  it  is  said,  not  far  from 
<£5,000,000  in  preparation  for  a  war  which,  in  spite 
of  the  vexations  of  this  whole  affair,  was  need 
less,  and  which  would  not  have  been  nearly  so 
imminent  had  not  her  blustering  hardened  our 
people  into  obstinacy.  While  our  government  de 
layed,  the  people  were  anxious  in  spite  of  their 
dislike  of  England's  haste.  General  Cass  was  be 
sought  by  some  of  the  influential  citizens  of  De 
troit  to  throw  the  weight  of  his  advice  into  the 
scale,  with  the  purpose  of  inducing  our  government 
to  surrender  the  commissioners  and  to  prevent  war. 
He  was  persuaded,  and  wrote  a  long  telegraphic 
dispatch l  covering  the  whole  ground,  and  bringing 
to  bear  his  learning  and  the  experience  of  fifty  years 
in  which  he  had  thought  over  and  discussed  the 
question  of  search  and  visitation.  The  Cabinet  de 
cided  to  humble  itself,  that  it  might  be  exalted  on 
the  altar  of  law  and  honesty.  Seward  is  reported 
afterwards  to  have  intimated  that  Cass's  dispatch 

1  Personal  information  obtained  from   manager  of  telegraph 
line. 


THE  LAST    YEARS.  347 

was  of  determining  weight  in  the  Cabinet  discus 
sions  on  the  question  of  surrender.  The  report 
seems  well  founded  ;  but,  whether  it  was  thus  deter 
minant  or  not,  the  dispatch  is  a  graceful  end  of  a 
life  of  public  service  which  had  been  devoted  to 
America,  and  had  resented  encroachments  upon  her 
dignity. 

The  last  years  of  Cass  were  spent  quietly  at  his 
home  in  Detroit.  He  lived  to  see  the  Union  re 
stored,  and  the  black  curse  of  our  country  wiped 
out  by  the  war.  His  love  of  books  and  his  schol 
arly  tastes  helped  him  to  fill  his  last  days  with 
pleasurable  occupation.  His  many  friends,  whom 
he  had  assisted  and  to  whom  he  had  given  a  true 
affection  during  the  years  of  his  active  life,  did 
not  forsake  him  when  the  evil  days  of  sorrow  and 
weakness  came  upon  him.  Lifted  up  by  an  unfal 
tering  trust,  he  patiently  and  cheerfully  awaited 
the  end.  He  was  sometimes  noticed  walking  the 
well-known  streets,  which  he  had  seen  develop 
from  the  narrow,  crooked  ways  of  the  rambling 
French  town  into  the  broad  avenues  of  a  modern 
city.  But  his  work  was  over ;  he  had  reached  ad 
vanced  age  before  his  retirement  from  public  life, 
and  all  that  was  left  him  was  the  sorrowful  pleas 
ure  of  peaceful  waiting.  He  died  June  17,  1866, 
in  the  eighty-fourth  year  of  his  age.  The  reports 
in  the  public  papers,  the  resolutions  of  societies, 
the  farewell  comments  of  friends,  betoken  the 
esteem  in  which  he  was  held  and  the  grief  at  his 
death.  Members  of  the  bar,  who  had  known  his 


348  LEWIS  CASS. 

faithful  service  to  the  State,  spoke  in  loving  admi 
ration  of  his  life.  Many  men  in  the  prime  of  life, 
or  nearing  the  easy  descent  of  age,  recalled  with 
gratitude  the  encouragement  and  aid  given  them 
in  the  uncertain  days  of  their  young  manhood. 
There  was  no  one  to  cavil.  Even  his  political 
career,  ending  in  patriotic  devotion  to  country  and 
love  for  his  State  and  the  Union,  left  little  room 
for  fault-finding  to  those  who  remembered  his  pure 
private  life,  and  his  generous  friendship  and  high- 
minded  regard  for  truth  and  fairness  in  all  matters 
of  daily  business  and  intercourse.  The  Republi 
can  paper  of  Detroit,  not  failing  in  discrimination 
while  discussing  the  events  of  his  life,  showed  a 
hearty  respect  for  the  patriot,  the  citizen,  and  the 
man.  Private  uprightness,  sincerity,  and  rugged 
stalwartness  of  character  conquered  partisan  acri 
mony  in  days  when  even  the  bitterness  of  politics 
seemed  sweeter  than  honey  in  the  honeycomb. 

If  the  foregoing  sketch  is  at  all  adequate,  no 
elaborate  assignment  of  attributes  is  needed  in  con 
clusion.  The  character  of  Cass  is  presented  by 
his  acts,  by  his  attitude  on  great  public  questions, 
and  by  the  results  of  a  life  given  to  the  service  of 
his  country.  Scarcely  another  man  in  our  history 
was  for  so  many  years  so  closely  connected  with 
the  rise  and  progress  of  the  United  States.  He 
stands  as  a  representative  of  the  Old  Northwest. 
Taking  his  life  as  a  centre,  we  can  trace  the  politi 
cal,  social,  and  industrial  development  of  this  sec 
tion  of  the  Union,  which,  in  large  part  because  of 


THE  LAST   YEARS.  349 

his  efforts,  changed  in  a  generation  from  wildness 
and  stagnation  into  order  and  activity.  He  was  the 
"  Father  of  the  West,"  but  his  generous  patriotism 
left  no  room  for  selfish  provincialism.  He  was  a 
democrat  in  the  general  sense  of  the  word,  incul 
cating  throughout  his  career  with  unflinching  zeal 
the  great  doctrine  of  faith  in  the  people,  and  in 
the  dignity  and  worth  of  the  common  American 
voter;  but  his  love  of  individual  liberty  and  his 
advocacy  of  personal  rights  did  not  blind  his  eyes 
to  the  grand  individuality  of  the  nation,  and  the 
bright  destiny  of  a  Union  which  was  more  than  a 
union  of  States.  With  an  extreme  Americanism 
he  indorsed  in  his  life  the  party  doctrine  that  the 
"  world  is  too  much  governed ;  "  but  he  did  not 
lose  himself  in  silly  sentimentalities  about  the  need- 
lessness  of  government,  nor  confound  lawlessness 
and  liberty.  He  was  a  Democrat  in  the  party 
sense  of  the  word,  a  strong  adherent  to  the  party 
organization ;  but  he  did  not  let  his  hunger  for  suc 
cess  or  his  thirst  for  revenge  deaden  his  senses  to  a 
perception  of  justice,  nor  cause  him  to  see  liberty 
in  rebellion  and  freedom  under  the  manacles  of  the 
slave. 

He  was  fair  and  honest,  winning  by  his  frankness 
the  confidence  of  fellow-partisans  and  opponents. 
The  Republican  party  seemed  to  him  at  first  a  sec 
tional  party,  built  upon  localism  and  inconsider- 
ateness,  but,  when  it  proved  the  defender  of  the 
Union,  although  he  never  forsook  his  own  standard, 
nor  capitulated  in  dogma,  he  gave  advice  and  coun- 


350  LEWIS   CASS. 

sel  in  behalf  of  the  great  purpose  of  those  against 
whom  he  might  have  stored  up  wrath.  In  his 
speeches  in  the  Senate,  in  private  conversation,  and 
in  correspondence  with  friends,  he  always  pleaded 
for  the  broader  sympathy  and  more  charitable 
interpretation.  In  spite  of  the  vigor  of  his  utter 
ances  and  the  force  of  his  speech  when  once 
aroused  to  defend  a  great  national  principle  or  to 
expound  party  doctrine,  the  records  of  Congress 
will  be  searched  in  vain  for  a  prevailing  or  even 
passing  feeling  of  ill-will  against  him.  Those  who 
came  in  contact  with  him  were  disarmed  of  suspi 
cions  by  his  benignant  frankness  and  the  complete 
good  faith  which  action  and  word  emphasized. 
Yet  his  sincerity  has  been  especially  stabbed  by 
innuendo,  and  attacked  by  open  statement,  until 
those  who  have  not  known  him  as  he  was  pass  him 
by  as  a  man  who  smothered  his  small  principles 
and  traded  conscience  for  applause.  That  the 
hope  of  the  presidency  did  not  dazzle  his  judgment 
until  it  could  not  read  in  the  inner  white  light 
of  his  heart,  it  would  be  presumptuous  to  declare. 
Blind  self-deception,  so  ready  to  answer  our  call 
for  guidance,  may  have  led  him  into  the  ditch. 
But  we  turn  to  a  full  record  of  his  life,  and  ask 
that  those  who  cavil  at  a  part  may  construe  with 
the  context  before  them.  The  doctrine  of  popular 
sovereignty  has  added  its  blight  to  his  name,  but  it 
was  not  for  him  a  new  doctrine  ;  his  more  promi 
nent  political  life  was  begun  in  an  effort  to  promote, 
among  the  body  of  the  people,  interest  and  action 


THE  LAST    YEARS.  351 

in  local  affairs.  His  love  of  union,  his  great  feel 
ing  of  nationalism,  and  his  resentment  of  foreign 
interference,  gave  a  coherence  and  consistency  to 
his  life,  and  prove  by  their  continuance  his  thor 
oughness,  earnestness,  and  sincerity. 

The  daily  social  and  family  life  of  General 
Cass  was  one  of  such  even  courtesy  and  kindness 
that  mere  assertion  leaves  little  room  for  explana 
tion  or  addition.  To  those  who  came  to  him  for 
aid  or  advice  he  was  an  interested  friend ;  young 
men  especially  attracted  him,  and  he  took  great 
pleasure  in  giving  them  encouragement,  in  offering 
them  help  in  their  times  of  doubt  or  need.  He 
was  not  fond  of  general  society ;  his  simple  tastes 
and  quiet,  abstemious  habits  held  him  back  from 
an  indulgence  in  the  mere  frivolity  and  formality  of 
Washington  life.  In  his  own  home,  however,  he 
dispensed  a  large  and  delightful  hospitality.  From 
1831  until  his  withdrawal  from  Buchanan's  Cabi 
net,  he  spent  the  greater  portion  of  his  time  away 
from  Detroit ;  but  his  old  house  at  that  place, 
filled  with  curios  and  interesting  relics  from  the 
frontiers  of  America  and  the  gay  capitals  of  Eu 
rope,  was  not  infrequently  occupied,  and  he  there 
received  his  friends  with  generous,  unstinted  wel 
come.  He  then  had  the  finest  library  in  Michigan, 
and  the  room  which  held  his  favorite  books  was  his 
own  peculiar  home.  There  he  often  entertained 
small  companies  of  more  intimate  friends  and  of  dis 
tinguished  men.  While  agreeable  and  entertaining 
in  private  conversation,  showing  wide  reading  and 


352  LEWIS  CASS. 

broad  comprehension,  impressing  all  who  listened 
to  his  unpretentious  talk  with  the  feeling  that 
they  were  in  the  presence  of  a  well-informed  and 
cultured  gentleman,  he  had  none  of  the  rarer 
charms  of  personal  grace  or  of  wit  and  brilliance ; 
there  was  no  flash  of  sudden  genius  or  warmth  of 
kindling  enthusiasm  over  a  keen  or  subtle  argu 
ment.  On  the  contrary,  in  public  and  in  private 
speech,  his  face  generally  maintained  a  certain 
immobility.  His  features  were  heavy,  only  occa 
sionally  lighted  up  when  unusual  circumstances 
called  for  the  determination,  boldness,  and  vigor  of 
the  man.  Even  then  he  was  impressive,  ponder 
ous,  sternly  dominant.  Yet  a  customary  look  of  be 
nignity  softened  the  severity  of  his  face ;  in  hours 
of  political  success  or  defeat  he  maintained  his 
serenity  and  hopefulness  ;  he  habitually,  in  his  pri 
vate  conversations,  refrained  from  rancor  or  tren 
chant  criticism  and  imputation. 

Before  the  public,  General  Cass  was  a  man  who 
carried  weight  by  the  density  and  compactness  of 
his  arguments,  by  the  vigor  of  his  language,  and 
the  gravity  of  his  sense.  He  was  not  always  right ; 
his  earlier  vigor  and  fire  were  tempered  into  bold 
ness  and  decision  in  middle  age,  and  became  un 
bending,  consistent  conservatism  in  the  days  of  his 
later  public  service,  a  conservatism  which  often  led 
him  to  adopt  political  inexpedients  and  did  not  re 
strain  him  from  error.  But  his  public  utterances 
always  made  an  impression,  and  doubtless  served  to 
dampen  a  too  ardent  impetuosity.  He  often,  per- 


THE  LAST   YEARS.  353 

haps  usually,  read  his  speeches  from  manuscript. 
They  were  skillfully  and  elaborately  prepared.  His 
large  figure  and  his  erect  bearing  aided  the  dignity 
of  his  words ;  and  often  where  a  man  of  less  sig 
nificant  appearance  would  escape  attention,  or  leave 
an  audience  unaffected  by  his  appeals,  the  physical 
poise  and  stateliness  of  Cass  would  arrest  the  at 
tention  of  the  heedless,  and  compel  conviction  in 
the  doubting.  So  universally  thoughtful  and  well- 
considered,  however,  were  his  public  addresses,  that 
mere  physical  greatness  was  not  needed  to  make 
them  worthy  of  notice.  What  was  worth  doing 
at  all  seemed  worth  doing  well ;  his  orations  at 
agricultural  meetings  and  at  great  industrial  cele 
brations  show  the  customary  breadth  of  scholarship 
and  careful  preparation.  He  was  not  an  orator  in 
the  sense  that  Henry  Clay  and  Patrick  Henry  were 
orators.  He  belonged  rather  to  the  unimpassioned 
school  of  steady  thinkers  and  not  too  ready  speak 
ers,  whose  words  come  for  a  purpose  and  with  the 
stored-up  energy  of  conviction.  An  opponent  was 
rather  crushed  by  the  dead  weight  of  argument 
than  taken  captive  by  blandishments  of  rhetoric. 

He  was  a  scholar  and  a  man  of  books  as  well 
as  a  politician  and  a  statesman.  His  essays  were 
often  even  graceful,  and  always  bore  the  same 
marks  of  care  which  his  speeches  presented.  When 
starting  on  one  of  his  long  voyages  in  his  bark 
canoe  in  the  days  of  his  governorship,  he  used  to 
supply  himself  with  a  number  of  books ;  and,  as  he 
journeyed,  he  read  them  thoughtfully,  or  he  listened 

d 


354  LEWIS   CASS. 

while  one  of  his  companions  read  them  to  him. 
The  information,  thus  stored  away  in  his  mind, 
often  in  later  years  showed  itself  in  some  rare  and 
unexpected  piece  of  knowledge.  He  never  was 
enticed  by  the  excitement  of  politics  entirely  to 
forsake  his  books.  He  could  not  become  a  pro 
found  scholar  in  the  midst  of  his  active  life,  but 
his  learning  was  unusually  wide,  often  surprising 
by  its  scope  even  those  who  knew  him  well  and 
had  reason  to  respect  his  studies.  To  an  intimate 
acquaintance  with  the  great  facts  of  history  he 
added  no  meagre  knowledge  of  science  and  litera 
ture.  In  1827  he  read  before  the  Detroit  Histori 
cal  Society  an  essay  on  the  Early  History  of  De 
troit  and  the  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac,  a  valuable 
contribution  to  historical  literature.  This  essay 
and  three  others  by  fellow-members  of  the  society 
have  been  published  under  the  title  "  Sketches  of 
Michigan."  In  1830  he  delivered  a  scholarly  ad 
dress  before  the  Association  of  Alumni  of  Hamil 
ton  College,  and  in  1836,  as  first  president  of  the 
American  Historical  Association,  he  read  an  arti 
cle  which  bears  the  marks  of  thoughtful  prepara 
tion,  as  well  as  knowledge  and  appreciation  of  the 
great  truths  of  history  and  of  political  philosophy. 
His  articles  in  the  "North  American  Eeview " 
treat  generally  of  Indian  and  Western  subjects, 
and  show  his  great  acquaintance  with  Indian  charac 
ter  and  of  the  problems  which  affect  our  country's 
progress.  These  essays  are  long  and  discursive, 
written  at  a  time  when  our  important  magazines 


THE  LAST   YEARS.  355 

invited  profound  and  exhaustive  treatment  of  in 
teresting  and  serious  topics.  While  Secretary  of 
War  he  prepared  for  the  "  American  Quarterly 
Eeview  "  an  account  of  the  siege  of  New  Orleans. 
The  article,  covering  some  sixty  pages  of  the  mag 
azine,  is  of  lasting  historic  value,  inasmuch  as  it 
was  Ibased  upon  papers  and  information  intrusted 
to  him  by  General  Jackson.  His  most  valuable 
literary  work  was  in  connection  with  the  history  of 
New  France.  Dr.  Francis  Parkman  acknowledges 
his  indebtedness  to  "  Hon.  Lewis  Cass  for  a  curious 
collection  of  papers  relating  to  the  siege  of  Detroit 
by  the  Indians."  1  While  minister  in  France,  he 
collected  and  examined  documentary  evidence  re 
lating  to  the  French  power  in  America,  and  pro 
cured  important  papers  which  were  published  by 
the  Wisconsin  Historical  Society.  He  not  only 
gave  material  and  inspiration  to  Mrs.  Sheldon  for 
her  "  Early  History  of  Michigan,"  but  aided  and 
encouraged  M.  Pierre  Margry  to  begin  the  studies 
which  have  resulted  in  such  valuable  additions  to 
historical  information.  His  own  studies  of  contem 
porary  France,  while  representing  our  own  govern 
ment,  were  embodied  in  a  book  already  mentioned, 
"  France,  its  King,  Court,  and  Government,"  a 
book  of  190  closely  printed  octavo  pages.  About 
the  same  time  he  published  "  Three  Hours  at 
Saint  Cloud,"  and  an  article  of  no  little  worth  in 
the  "Democratic  Review"  on  "  The  Modern  French 
Judicature."  All  the  contributions  to  periodicals 

1  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac,  Preface. 


356  LEWIS   CASS. 

were  more  than  mere  trivialities  dasned  off  in  haste 
for  a  penny  a  line ;  they  are  real  additions  to 
knowledge. 

In  public  and  private  life  he  was  honest.  About 
1815  he  bought,  with  funds  received  from  the  sale 
of  lands  in  Ohio,  a  large  tract  of  land  near  Detroit. 
As  the  city  grew,  this  property  came  into  demand, 
and  its  sale  in  lots  made  him  wealthy.  He  had  no 
temptation  to  be  dishonest  in  public  dealings,  or, 
as  is  sometimes  charged,  to  be  a  "  money-maker." 
He  was  completely  free  from  the  taints  of  finan 
cial  corruption.  To  honesty  he  added  temperance. 
He  seldom  tasted  wine  of  any  kind,  though  not 
refusing  to  provide  his  guests  with  the  best.  His 
public  work  in  behalf  of  temperance  has  been 
spoken  of ;  when  Secretary  of  War  he  called  at 
tention  to  the  subject  of  intemperance  in  the  army, 
and  advocated  that  other  rations  be  substituted  for 
whiskey.  He  also  spoke  publicly  of  the  evils  of 
drink.  His  moderation  reached  beyond  the  limits 
of  meat  and  drink,  and  showed  itself  in  a  life 
strangely  regular  and  methodical,  prolonged,  in 
consequence,  to  an  advanced  age,  unimpaired  by 
disease,  or  weakened  by  aught  save  the  attacks  of 
time. 

The  name  of  Lewis  Cass  will  not  be  written  in 
the  future  with  those  of  the  few  men  whose  influ 
ence  is  everywhere  discernible,  and  who  perpetuate 
themselves  in  institutions  and  in  national  tenden 
cies.  He  was  not  a  Washington,  nor  a  Lincoln, 
nor  a  Hamilton,  nor  a  Jefferson,  nor  a  John  Quincy 


THE  LAST    YEARS.  357 

Adams.  But  he  was  a  great  American  statesman, 
building  up  and  Americanizing  an  important  sec 
tion  of  his  country,  struggling  in  places  of  trust 
for  the  recognition  of  American  dignity  and  for 
the  development  of  generous  nationalism.  With 
the  great  slavery  contest  his  name  is  inseparably 
connected  ;  he  stood  with  Webster  and  Clay  for 
Union,  for  conciliation,  for  the  Constitution  as  it 
seemed  to  be  established.  He  was  one  of  those 
men  whose  broad  love  of  country  and  pride  in  her 
greatness,  however  exaggerated,  however  absurd  it 
may  seem  in  these  days  of  cynical  self-restraint, 
lifted  her  from  colonialism  to  national  dignity,  and 
imbued  the  people  with  a  sense  of  their  power. 


INDEX. 


Abbott,  Benjamin,  37. 

Adams,   Charles  Francis,  nominated 

for  vice-presidency,  249. 
Adams,  John  Quincy,  164,  204. 
American  party,  origin,  302. 
Ashburton  treaty,  ratified,  184. 

Bank  of  the  United  States,  attacked 
by  Jackson,  150  et  seq. 

Barnburners,  origin,  237  ;  progress  of 
movement,  238  et  seq. 

Barry,  W.  T.,  postmaster  -  general, 
134. 

Bell,  John,  nominated  for  president, 
333. 

Black  Hawk  war,  138. 

Black,  J.  S.,  attorney-general,  323. 

Blennerhassett,  H.,  connection  with 
Burr's  plans,  48-50. 

Blockade,  commercial,  331. 

Boyd,  George,  letters  quoted,  108. 

Brown,  Aaron  V.,  postmaster-general, 
323. 

Breckinridge,  J.  C.,  nominated  for 
vice-president,  315 ;  nominated  for 
president,  332. 

Brock,  General,  in  charge  of  English 
forces,  75-81. 

Brooks,  P.  S.,  attack  upon  Sunnier, 
314. 

Brougham,  Henry,  attacks  Cass,  199. 

Buchanan,  James,  in  the  campaign  of 
1844, 198  ;  secretary  of  state,  223 ;  the 
Ostend  Manifesto,  307  ;  nominated 
for  presidency,  315;  his  inaugural 
address,  320 ;  announces  end  of  vis 
itation  and  search,  329  ;  message  on 
secession,  335  et  seq. ;  charges  that 
Cass  wished  to  reenter  Cabinet,  340. 

Burr,  Aaron,  conspiracy,  46-50. 

Butler,  General  William  O.,  nominated 
for  vice-president,  239. 

Cabinet,  reorganization  of,  130  et  seq. 
Cadillac,  La  Motte,  founds  Detroit, 

14. 
Calhoun,  John  C.,  relations  with  Jack 


son,  130  ;  connection  with  nullifica 
tion  in  South  Carolina,  139  et  seq. ; 
the  election  of  1844,  202 ;  secretary 
of  state,  207  ;  his  doctrine  concern 
ing  slavery  in  Territories,  235  ;  last 
speech,  273 ;  his  arguments  adopted 
by  the  South,  320. 

California,  258,  262,  278. 

Caroline  affair,  172. 

Cass,  James,  33. 

Cass,  Jonathan,  career,  33-40;  his 
patriotism  and  energy,  36 ;  with 
northwestern  army,  37 ;  goes  to 
Zanesville,  41. 

Cass,  Joseph,  33. 

Cass,  Lewis,  work  as  an  American 
statesman,  2 ;  describes  influence  of 
French  over  Indians,  10;  letter  to 
secretary  of  war,  25 ;  a  representa 
tive  of  the  Northwest,  29  ;  his  first 
duties  of  national  statesmanship, 
32  ;  birth,  34 ;  boyhood,  35  et  seq.  ; 
education,  37,  38 ;  teaching,  39 ; 
goes  to  Northwest,  39  ;  studies  law, 
41 ;  becomes  a  Democrat,  43 ;  ad 
mitted  to  bar,  44 ;  elected  prosecu 
ting  attorney,  44 ;  on  the  circuit, 
45;  elected  to  the  legislature  of 
Ohio,  46  ;  connection  with  Burr's  in 
trigue,  49 ;  appointed  United  States 
marshal,  50 ;  married,  50 ;  defends 
Ohio  judges,  51 ;  denies  that  war  of 
1812  was  aggressive,  59  ;  colonel  of 
militia,  60 ;  statement  concerning 
defenses  at  Detroit,  63 ;  sent  with 
flag  of  truce  to  Maiden,  65 ;  leads 
the  invasion  of  Canada,  66  ;  possible 
author  of  Hull's  proclamation,  67  ; 
at  the  Canard,  70  ;  plots  deposition 
of  Hull,  72,  75  ;  urges  adequate  as 
sistance  for  Brush,  73  ;  sent  to  es 
cort  Brush  to  Detroit,  76  ;  enraged 
at  Hull's  surrender,  78  ;  estimate  of 
Hull's  forces,  79 ;  reports  to  secre 
tary  of  war,  81 ;  witness  at  Hull's 
trial,  81 ;  made  brigadier-general 
in  regular  army,  83 ;  in  campaign  of 


360 


INDEX. 


1813,  84;  appointed  governor  of 
Michigan  Territory,  86  ;  difficulties 
of  his  governorship,  88  et  seq.  ;  fight 
with  the  Indians,  89 ;  treaty  of 
Greenville,  90  ;  resigns  commission, 
91  ;  efforts  to  relieve  distress  in 
Michigan,  93  et  seq. ;  to  secure  land 
sales,  95;  opposes  English  aggres 
sions,  97  et  seq.  ;  contest  with  Colo 
nel  James,  100,  103-107;  resents 
British  interference  with  Indians, 
107-112  ;  duties  as  superintendent 
of  Indian  affairs,  112  ;  enters  into 
treaties,  113,  124;  expedition  to 
sources  of  Mississippi,  114  et  seq. ;  at 
Sault  de  St.  Marie,  115-118  ;  care 
for  affairs  of  the  Territory,  119- 
123 ;  efforts  for  general  education, 
122 ;  Winnebago  war,  125  ;  outlines 
plan  for  treatment  of  Indians,  127  ; 
honorable  treatment  of  Indians,  127 
et  seq.  ;  appointed  secretary  of  war, 
135 ;  Black  Hawk  war,  138 ;  makes 
preparation  against  forcible  nullifi 
cation,  143 ;  goes  north  with  Jack 
son,  149  ;  attitude  on  the  bank  ques 
tion,  151 ;  advocates  removal  of 
Indians,  155  ;  directs  Seminole  war, 
160  ;  charged  with  incompetence, 
161 ;  appointed  minister  to  France, 
163  ;  leaves  for  France,  165  ;  travels 
in  France,  166  ;  tour  of,  167  ;  rela 
tions  with  Louis  Philippe,  170; 
writes  on  French  life,  171;  warns 
Webster  of  English  hostility,  172 ; 
criticises  the  quintuple  treaty,  175 ; 
protest,  177  ;  supported  by  his  gov 
ernment,  179  ;  criticised  by  Adams, 
180;  motives,  182;  resigns,  185; 
controversy  with  Webster,  186 ; 
popularity  in  Paris,  191 ;  a  Demo 
cratic  leader,  193-196  ;  proposed  for 
the  presidency,  197  ;  his  political 
principles,  199  ;  the  charges  of  Lord 
Brougham,  199;  favors  annexation 
of  Texas,  209 ;  explanation  of  his 
attitude  toward  annexation,  210 ; 
the  Democratic  convention  of  1844, 
212  ;  in  the  campaign,  218 ;  elected 
senator,  221 ;  in  favor  of  the  whole 
of  Oregon,  222 ;  believes  war  with 
England  inevitable,  224  ;  prominent 
in  the  Senate,  225  ;  attitude  toward 
Mexican  war,  227  ;  against  the  Wil- 
mot  proviso,  229 ;  separates  from 
the  tendencies  of  the  Northwest, 
230  ;  propounds  doctrine  of  popular 
sovereignty,  231 ;  his  motives,  234, 
235 ;  mentioned  for  presidency  in 
1848,  236  ;  nominated,  239;  accepts, 
240  ;  relation  to  anti-slavery  move 
ment,  249 ;  receives  support  of 
Northwest,  254 ;  position  on  inter 
nal  improvements,  255  ;  opposed  by 


South,  256 ;  elected  senator  again, 
261  ;  instructed  to  vote  for  Wilmot 
proviso,  263;  letter  to  New  York 
committee,  265  ;  speaks  in  behalf  of 
popular  sovereignty,  267,  277,  289 ; 
advocates  Clay's  compromise  meas 
ure,  271 ;  declares  peaceable  disun 
ion  impossible,  272  ;  is  released  from 
instructions,  273 ;  rebukes  Seward, 
275 ;  favors  Fugitive  Slave  law,  278 ; 
speaks  in  New  York,  280  ;  reelected 
senator,  280  ;  deplores  "  ultraism," 
281  ;  the  Democratic  convention  of 
1852,  282;  supports  Kansas -Ne 
braska  bill,  288,  et  seq.  ;  belongs  to 
a  past  generation,  293  ;  in  the  cam 
paign  of  1854,  299;  attacked  by 
southern  press,  300;  opposes  the 
American  party,  305;  receives  in 
structions  to  vote  for  repeal  of  Fu 
gitive  Slave  law,  306 ;  declines  to 
obey,  306  ;  his  attitude  toward  the 
acquisition  of  Cuba,  308;  toward 
the  admission  of  Kansas  as  a  State, 
311 ;  characterization  by  Sumner, 
313 ;  a  member  of  committee  to  in 
vestigate  attack  upon  Sumner,  314 ; 
the  Democratic  convention  of  1856, 
315  ;  defeated  for  reelection  to  Sen 
ate,  317;  becomes  secretary  of 
state,  322 ;  transmits  information 
concerning  "search"  and  "visita 
tion,"  325;  writes  to  Lord  Napier 
on  the  subject,  325  ;  England  ac 
knowledges  his  argument,  328; 
makes  application  of  Monroe  doc 
trine,  330  ;  writes  on  the  subject  of 
commercial  blockades,  331 ;  fears 
secession  and  rebellion,  332  ;  advo 
cates  use  of  force  to  compel  obedi 
ence  to  federal  government,  335, 
337  ;  resigns,  338  ;  laments  over  se 
cession  of  South  Carolina,  339  ;  al 
leged  desire  to  withdraw  resigna 
tion,  340 ;  speaks  at  Detroit,  342 ; 
zealous  for  coercion,  343 ;  last 
speech,  343 ;  advocates  surrender  of 
Confederate  commissioners,  345 ; 
death,  347  ;  honors  shown  him,  348  ; 
character,  189,  212,  221,  224,  254, 
348  et  seq.;  his  literary  work,  171, 
353  et  seq.  ;  place  in  history,  356. 

Champlain,  Samuel  de,  discovers  the 
great  West,  4. 

Chandler,  Zachariah,  elected  senator, 
317. 

Chase,  S.  P.,  at  Buffalo  convention, 
248;  elected  senator,  260;  speaks 
on  the  compromise  of  1850,  274. 

Christiancy,  I.  P.,  298. 

Clay,  Henry,  in  favor  of  war,  55 ;  in 
troduces  compromise  tariff  meas 
ure,  147 ;  the  election  of  1844,  208 
et  seq.;  defeated,  216  et  seq.;  de- 


INDEX. 


361 


sires  nomination  in  1848,  241  ;  com 

promise  of  1850,  271. 
Cobb,  Howell,  secretary  of  the  treas 

ury,  322;  implicated  in  secession, 

334  ;  resigns,  338. 
Compromise    of    1850,  267    et   seq.; 

passed,  278. 
Convention,  Democratic,  212,  239,  282, 

315,   332;     Republican,    315,    333; 

Whig,  211,  244,  284. 
Coureurs  des  bois,  the  early  settlers 

in  Northwest,    9;    characteristics, 

10  ;  at  Detroit,  15. 
Courts,  early,  in  Ohio,  45. 
Cutler,  Manasseh,  43. 

Dallas,  G.  M.,   nominated  for  vice- 

president,    214  ;    minister  to    Eng 

land,  327. 

Davis,  Jefferson,  288. 
Dayton,  W.  L.,  nominated  for  vice- 

president,  315. 
Detroit,  early  conditions,  15  et  seq.  ; 

surrender  of,  62-81  ;  condition  after 

war  of  1812,  87  et  seq. 
Dodge,  H.,  247. 
Douglas,    S.    A.,    candidate    for  the 

nomination  for  presidency,  283  ;  re 

ports   Kansas-Nebraska   bill,    287; 

nominated  for  president,  332. 
Dred  Scott  case,  320. 

Eaton,  J.  H.,  in  Jackson's  Cabinet,  130 

et  seq. 

Eaton,  Mrs.  J.  H.,  131. 
Education  of  French,  26;  in  Michi 

gan,  122. 
Election,  of  1840,  152;  of  1844,  215; 

of  1848,  249  ;  of  1852,  297  ;  of  1856, 

316;  of  1860,  332. 
England,  retains  control  of  military 

ports,  31,   32;   intrigues  with    In 

dians,  57,  99-112;  claims  the  Ore 

gon  country,  223  et  seq.  ;  final  ef 

forts  at  search,  324. 
Eustis,  W.,  68. 
Everett,  Edward,  nominated  for  vice- 

president,  333. 
Exeter,  34,  38. 

Filibustering,  307. 

Fillmore,     Millard,     nominated    for 

vice-president,  244  ;  becomes  presi 

dent,  276. 
Floyd,  J.  B.,  secretary  of  war,  322; 

implicated  in  secession,  334. 
France,  relations  with  United  States, 

164  ;  condition,  171  ;  refuses  to  rat 


ify  quintuple  treaty,  178. 
ree-Soil  party,  or 
tion  of  1852,  284. 


Free- 


rty,  origin,  248;  in  elec 


Frelinghuysen,  Theodore,  nominated 
for  vice-president,  211. 


Fremont,  J.  C.,  nominated  for  presi 
dent,  315. 

French,  exploration  in  the  West,  3-7  ; 
influence  the  Indians,  10  et  seq.  ;  at 
Detroit,  17  et  seq.;  methods  of 
farming  in  Michigan,  22  et  seq.; 
gayeties,  23  ;  in  Wisconsin,  12  ;  in 
Michigan  after  war  of  1812,  88,  94. 

Frenchtown,  description  of,  25. 

Fugitive  Slave  law,  effect  of,  278. 

Geary,  J.  W.,  317. 

Giddings,  J.  R.,  204,  250. 

Gilman,  Mary,  married  to  Jonathan 

Cass,  34. 

Greeley,  Horace,  278,  297,  304. 
Guizot,  F.  P.  G.,  Cass  sends  protest 

to,  177. 

Haldiman,  Governor,  quoted,  31. 

Hale,  J.  P.,  247  ;  nominated  for  presi 
dent,  284. 

Hamilton,  Governor,  31. 

Hamlin,  Hannibal,  nominated  for  vice- 
president,  333. 

Hannegan,  E.  A.,  letter  of  Cass  to, 
209. 

Harrison,  W.  H.,  quoted  in  regard  to 
Indian  presents,  57  ;  wins  battle  of 
Thames,  84  ;  at  Greenville,  90. 

Hull,  William,  quoted  with  reference 
to  characteristics  of  French  settlers, 
14 ;  brigadier-general,  60  ;  slow  ad 
vance  to  Detroit,  62 ;  reports  num 
ber  of  troops,  64;  at  Detroit,  65; 
enters  Canada,  66 ;  proclamation, 
67 ;  surrenders  Detroit,  73-80  ;  trial 
of,  81 ;  later  years,  82. 

Hunkers,  origin  of  party,  237  et  seq. 

Illinois,  early  political  lite  in,  153. 

Indians,  influence  of  French  over,  10 
et  seq. ;  influence  of  English  over, 
31, 32, 91-112  ;  treaties  of  Cass  with, 
his  influence  over  them,  112-118, 
124-129  ;  removal  of,  155  et  seq. 

Iroquois,  retard  French  progress  'in 
America,  4. 

Jackson,  Andrew,  character,  130  et 
seq. ;  dissolution  of  his  first  Cabinet, 
130  et  seq.;  opposes  nullification, 
142  et  seq.  ;  share  in  introduction  of 
spoils  system,  135 ;  removal  of  In 
dians,  158;  demands  fulfillment  of 
treaty  from  France,  164 ;  relations 
with  Cass,  162;  favors  annexation 
of  Texas,  208. 

James,  Colonel,  correspondence  with 
Cass,  100  et  seq. 

Jameson,  Mrs.,  quoted,  20,  111. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  his  political  tenets 
attract  Cass,  43  ;  checks  Burr's  con- 


362 


INDEX. 


spiracy,  48  ;  appoints  Cass  marshal, 
50. 

Johnson,  H.  V.,  nominated  for  vice- 
president,  332. 

Johnson,  R.  M.,  kills  Tecumseh,  85; 
desires  nomination  for  presidency, 
202,  214. 

Julian,  G.  W.,  nominated  for  vice- 
president,  284. 

Kansas,  struggle  for,  310,  317. 
Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  287  et  sea. 
Kaskaskia,  29. 

King,  W.   R.,    nominated   for    vice- 
president,  283. 
Know-Nothings.   See  American  party. 

Lane,  J.,  nominated  for  vice-presi 
dent,  333. 

La  Salle,  6. 

Lawyers,  journeys  of,  in  Ohio,  45. 

Lewis,  W.  B.,  reports  conversation 
with  Cass,  51. 

Liberty  party,  204,  217. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  nominated  for  pres 
ident,  333. 

Livingston,  Edward,  secretary  of  state, 
134 ;  returns  from  France,  164. 

Lossing,  B.  J.,  quoted,  339. 

Louis  XIV.,  interest  in  New  France,  7. 

Louis  Philippe,  attitude  toward  Amer 
ica,  165 ;  character,  170. 

Macomb,  Major-General,  143. 

Madison,  James,  54,  55,  68 ;  pardons 
Hull,  82. 

Marietta,  Cass  studies  law  at,  41. 

Martineau,  Harriet,  quoted,  25,  97. 

McArthur,  Colonel,  60,  61  ;  sent  to 
escort  Brush,  76. 

McKenney,  T.  L.,  treats  with  Indians, 
124,  125. 

McLane,  Louis,  secretary  of  treasury, 
134. 

Meigs,  R.  J.,41,43. 

Mexico,  war  with,  226  et  seq, 

Michigan,  developed  slowly,  6,  26; 
population  of  1812,  63 ;  militia  of, 
64 ;  condition  of,  86-98  passim  ;  de 
velopment  of,  119-123  ;  political 
leanings,  152 ;  character  of  popula 
tion,  254. 

Miller,  Colonel,  in  charge  of  fourth 
regiment,  61,  70,  74. 

Mississippi,  journey  to  sources  of,  114- 
119. 

Missouri  compromise  repealed,  287 
et  seq. 

Monroe  doctrine,  Cass's  statement  of, 
530. 

New  England,  influence  in  the  West, 
260. 


New  Hampshire,  ratifies  the  Constitu 
tion,  35. 

Nicaragua,  309. 

Nicholson,  A.  O.  P.,  letter  to,  232. 

Northeastern  boundary,  172. 

Northwest,  1-32  passim  ;  development 
after  treaty  of  Greenville,  40  ;  some 
characteristics  of,  250  et  seq.  ;  in  the 
election  of  1852,  301. 

Nullification,  140  et  seq. 

Oceola,  158,  159. 

Ohio,  characteristics  of  early  settlers, 

42;     admitted    to    statehood,    44; 

judges    of,  impeached,  51 ;     some 

characteristics  of,  250. 
Oregon  controversy,  222  et  seq. 
Ostend  Manifesto,  307. 

Paper-money  mob,  36. 

Pierce,  Franklin,  nominated  for  presi 
dent,  283. 

Pioneer,  characteristics  of,  42. 

Polk,  James  K.,  nominated  for  presi 
dency,  214 ;  in  the  election  of  1844, 
215,  et  seq. ;  attitude  toward  Oregon 
question,  223. 

Popular  sovereignty,  origin  of,  231  et 
seq.  ;  motive  of  Cass  in  advocating, 
233,  234 ;  defense  of,  267 ;  rejected 
by  the  South,  289 ;  its  results,  319. 

Prevost,  Governor,  69. 

Proctor,  Colonel,  73,  84. 

Quintuple  treaty,  176  et  seq. 

Reaume,  Justice,  at  Green  Bay,  13. 
Republican  party,  origin,  294  et  seq. ; 

progress,  299. 
River  Raisin,  settlers  at,  26,  88,  94; 

massacre,  83. 

Schoolcraft,  H.  R.,  expedition  to 
sources  of  Mississippi,  114  et  seq. 

Schuyler,  Eugene,  quoted,  183. 

Scott,  Winfield,  145,  244 ;  nomination 
for  president,  284. 

Search  and  visitation,  176  et  seq.  324 
et  seq. 

Secession,  333  et  seq. 

Seminoles,  removal  of,  156  et  seq. 

Seward,  W.  H.,  173 ;  elected  to  Senate, 
260;  on  the  compromise  of  1850, 
274 ;  quoted,  292. 

Shannon,  Wilson,  310. 

Sibley,  Judge,  characterizes  Canadi 
ans,  30  ;  first  meeting  with  Cass,  41. 

Slave-trade,  attempt  to  reestablish, 
324. 

South  Carolina,  nullification,  140  et 
seq. 

Spencer,  Elizabeth,  marries  Cass,  50. 

Spoils  system,  135. 


INDEX. 


363 


Squatter  sovereignty.  See  Popular  sov 
ereignty. 

St.  Lawrence  Valley,  possessors  of, 
control  Indians,  31. 

Sumner,  Charles,  describes  the  home 
of  Cass  in  Paris,  191 ;  famous  speech 
of,  311 ;  attacks  upon,  314. 

Taney,  Roger  B.,  attorney  -  general, 
134. 

Taylor,  Zachary,  in  Mexican  war,  227  ; 
candidate  for  president,  242  et  seq. , 
255;  attitude  toward  slavery  ques 
tion,  256,  262 ;  death,  276. 

Tecumseh,  57,  84. 

Texas,  annexation  of,  206  et  seq..  220, 
226. 

Thompson,  J.,  secretary  of  the  inte 
rior,  323 ;  implicated  in  the  Rebel 
lion,  334. 

Tiffin,  Governor,  of  Ohio,  50. 

Tippecanoe,  battle  of,  begins  war  of 
1812,  57. 

Toucey,  I.,  secretary  of  navy,  323. 

Trent  affair,  345. 

Tyler,  John,  ratifies  protest  against 
quintuple  treaty,  180  ;  candidate  in 
1844,  205 ;  secures  Texas,  220. 

Van  Buren,  Martin,  influence  with 
Jackson,  131 ;  resigns,  133 ;  the 
election  of  1844,  200,  212,  214 ;  op 


poses  annexation  of  Texas,  208; 
Barnburner  movement,  256 ;  candi 
date  for  president,  247,  249,  255. 

Vidal,  Lieutenant,  101. 

Vincennes,  29. 

Virginia  intercedes  with  South  Caro 
lina,  146. 

Walker,  R.  J.,  318. 

War  of  1812,  53  et  seq. 

Webster,  Daniel,  recollections  of  Cass, 
37;  secretary  of  state,  173;  negotiates 
Ashburton  treaty,  184  ;  controversy 
with  Cass,  185  et  seq.,  323;  the 
election  of  1844,  212 ;  7th  of  March 
speech,  273. 

Weed,  Thurlow,  217,  243. 

Western  Reserve,  250  et  seq. 

Wilmot  proviso,  228 ;  attitude  of  Cass 
toward,  267. 

Wilson,  Henry,  245. 

Winchester,  General,  at  the  River 
Raisin,  82. 

Winnebago  war,  124  et  seq. 

Wisconsin,  early  settlements  in,  4,  12. 

Witherell,  Judge,  in  command  of  Mich 
igan  militia,  63. 

Woodbury,  L. ,  secretary  of  navy,  134. 

Woodward,  Judge,  14,  27. 

Wright,  Silas,  236. 

Zanesville,  41,  44. 


07  THB 

. 


. 


., 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 
BERKELEY 

Return  to  desk  from  which  borrowed. 
Th,s  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below. 


JBRARY  US- 
AY  n  \m 


5May'6 


HW17-66    9Rpl 

MAY  QT  1995 


w-ll,'49(B7146sl6)476 


^ 


• 
, 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 


